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Southern Heritage <br>News and Views

Saturday, October 14, 2017

Confederates who significantly contributed to America Post-War

I am largely finished with my research on Confederate veterans who contributed to the building of postwar America. It would be impossible to research all 1,000,000 Confederate soldiers who survived the war, but I accessed all the available compendiums, biographical rosters, etc as I could identify. I would estimate that I probably checked 5,000-7,500 veterans and compiled a list of approximately 850 men who met my admittedly vague and subjective criteria. A successful farmer, teacher, or clergyman is no less important than a college president, governor, senator, or ambassador, but I had to set some limits.

Copy and pasted below is a summary letter that I recently drafted for the purpose of giving some ammunition to those who are defending our Confederate heritage and monuments. The information contained in the letter are the "highlights" of a book that I am frantically writing, with hopes that I can get it published before the anti-American History ANTIFA/Taliban have destroyed all of our monuments. Please feel free to share the letter.

I haven't yet decided exactly how I am going to organize and present the book; I want it to be more than a simple alphabetical roster of "accomplished" CSA veterans. I want to present the information in narrative form, with an extensive Appendix with rosters and groups.

Many thanks for your incredible research and information on former Confederates who made the ultimate sacrifice to their communities. If you don't mind I'll contact you again as my plans for the construction and presentation of the book takes shape.

All best,

Sam Hood


Date: Oct. 14, 2017

This is a partial list of positions held by former Confederates after the Civil War.

A Confederate veteran, Lt. Edward Douglass White of the 9th Louisiana Cavalry, became Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court after the Civil War.

Two United States Supreme Court associate justices were former Confederate soldiers; Col. Lucius Q. C. Lamar of the 19th Mississippi Infantry, and Sergeant Major Horace H. Lurton of the 3rd Kentucky Cavalry. Another associate justice, Howell E. Jackson, was a former Confederate government official.

Two former Confederates, Maj. Amos T. Akerman and Confederate Senator from Arkansas Augustus H. Garland, served as United States Attorneys General.

Former Confederate officer Col. James D. Porter was appointed United States Assistant Secretary of State in 1885.

A United States Solicitor General was Confederate cavalryman John Goode of Virginia.

Prior to becoming a Supreme Court justice, Lucius Q.C. Lamar served as United States Secretary of the Interior.

Former Confederate Col. David M. Key served as United States Postmaster General.

President Theodore Roosevelt appointed former Confederate Joseph Clay Stiles Blackburn as Governor of the Panama Canal Zone.

A former Confederate soldier, Benjamin Morgan Harrod, was the United States Representative on the Panama Canal Commission.

A former Confederate, Col. Hilary A. Herbert of the 8th Alabama Infantry, became United States Secretary of the Navy.

A Confederate veteran named Patrick Henry Morgan was appointed as a district Superintendent of the United States Coast Guard.

Confederate veterans served as United States Ambassadors, Envoys, Consuls, and Ministers to Turkey (Ottoman Empire:) Brazil; Russia; Sweden-Norway; Uruguay; Costa Rica; Guatemala; Mexico; Honduras; Havana, Cuba; Bolivia; Hong Kong; Jerusalem; France; Peru; Dominican Republic; Bermuda; Japan; China; Tampico, Mexico; Ecuador; Chile, Austria-Hungary; Naples, Italy; Panama; Martinique; Venezuela; Vancouver, Canada; Colombia; Greece; Romania; Serbia, and Spain. A former Confederate, Lt. Col. Paul Francis de Gournay, was a citizen of France and became a French Consul to the United States after the Civil War, and another Confederate, Jose Agustin Quintero of Louisiana, became Consul for Belgium and Costa Rica in New Orleans.

Numerous United States Senators and members of the United States House of Representatives were Confederate veterans, including one Senate Majority Leader, Thomas Staples Martin, who co-drafted the United States Declaration of War against Germany in 1917. A former Confederate, William A. Harris, was elected United States Senator and to the U.S. House of Representatives from the strongly pro-Union state of Kansas.

Four Confederate generals served as generals in the United States Army and served in the Spanish-American War; Thomas Rosser, Matthew Butler, Joseph Wheeler, and Fitzhugh Lee, son of Robert E. Lee. Other former Confederates were appointed Generals of Volunteers during the Spanish-American War but their units were not deployed.

Numerous former Confederates fought for the United States Army and Navy, and at least one former Confederate soldier who volunteered, Lt. Col. William Crawford Smith of Tennessee, died in combat during the Philippine Insurrection.

Dozens of Confederates served as governors of the eleven seceded Southern states after the war, but also governed the non-Confederate states/territories of Kentucky, Missouri, Oklahoma, New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, and Alaska.  

Confederate veterans were elected mayors of numerous cities and towns, including the Northern cities of Los Angeles CA, Ogden UT, and Minneapolis MN.

Former Confederate Brigadier General John Stuart Williams was co-founder of the City of Naples, Florida.

An Adjutant General of Montana was former Confederate soldier, Charles William Turner.

Former Confederate Samuel Davis Shannon served as Secretary of State of Utah.

Native-American Confederate Col. Jackson F. McCurtain became Chief of the Choctaw Nation after the war.

Former Confederates became presidents of the American Bar Association, American Medical Association, American Chemical Society, American Society of Chemical Engineers, American Association for the Advancement of Science, the American Psychiatric Association, and the American Philological Association (dedicated to the study of classical literature, linguistics, history, philosophy, and cultural studies.)

Former Confederate soldiers founded or co-founded approximately 20 colleges, universities, and post-graduate schools, including Mississippi State University, Texas Christian University, Southwestern University (Texas,) Coker College (South Carolina,) North Carolina State University, Millsaps College (Mississippi,) Averett College (Virginia,) East Carolina University, Blue Mountain College (Mississippi,) Clemson University, Agnes Scott Women’s College (Georgia,) the historically  black colleges, University of Arkansas-Pine Bluff, Prairie View A&M University, Alcorn State University,  and predominately black Meharry Medical School in Nashville. Former Confederates founded several postgraduate schools including the Tulane University Medical School, the University of Arkansas Medical School, and the University of California Hastings School of Law,
Confederate veterans were presidents of numerous universities, including the University of California-Berkeley, Tulane University, Louisiana State University, the University of Florida, North Carolina State University, the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, the University of Alabama, the University of Mississippi,  Mississippi State University, the University of Virginia, Virginia Tech, Virginia Military Institute, Bethel College (Clarksville, Tennessee,) the Citadel, the University of Maryland, Blue Mountain College (Mississippi,) Western Kentucky University, Shepherd College (West Virginia), Allegheny College (Pennsylvania,) the College of William and Mary, Washington and Lee University, Lander College (South Carolina,) Texas A&M University, the University of Arkansas, William Jewell College (Liberty, Missouri,) Jacksonville State University (Alabama,) Davidson College, and Randolph-Macon University. Former Confederates served on the governing boards of numerous colleges and universities, including the United States Military Academy (West Point,) and the United States Naval Academy.

A former Confederate Army surgeon in Gen. Benjamin F. Cheatham’s Corps, Dr. Augustus Breysacher, delivered baby Douglas McArthur on Jan. 26, 1880. MacArthur’s father was a Union Army colonel, severely wounded by Cheatham’s Corps at the Battle of Franklin, Tennessee on Nov. 30, 1864.

A former Confederate civilian surgeon in the 15th Alabama Infantry, Dr. Albert F. A. King, contracted to serve as a Union Army surgeon late in the war and treated Abraham Lincoln after he was mortally wounded by John Wilks Booth on April 14, 1865.

Over 100 former Confederate soldiers died in the line of duty while serving as law enforcement officers after the war.

Former Confederate Joseph LeConte was a co-founder of The Sierra Club.

A former Confederate engineer, Col. Samuel Lockett, designed the base of the Statue of Liberty in New York City, and another Confederate engineer, Sergeant Major Amory Coffin, designed the structural features of some of the late 19th and early 20th Century's most famous buildings, including Madison Square Garden, New York City; the Crocker Building, San Francisco; the Provident Life and Trust Company building, Philadelphia; the Prudential Life Insurance Building, New York City; City College of New York; the Wisconsin State Capital; and the steel superstructure of the New York Stock Exchange building.

Two Confederate veterans, Col. Ambrosio Jose Gonzales, and Maj. James Lide Coker were inducted into the South Carolina Business Hall of Fame in 1986. In the year 2000 ex-Confederate senator from Florida, David Levy Yulee, was named that year’s “Great Floridian” by the Florida Department of State. Another Confederate Floridian, Col. Francis Littlebury Dancy, was a postwar agronomist and named to the Florida Citrus Hall of Fame in 2013.

Former Confederates were major postwar philanthropists. Prominent among them was former Texas cavalryman George Washington Littlefield, who funded many facilities and programs at the University of Texas-Austin, and New York City native, Maj. Lewis Ginter, who founded the Lewis Ginter Botanical Garden in Richmond, Virginia, containing a Conservatory, Rose Garden, Children's Garden, Sunken Garden, Asian Garden, Victorian Garden, and Healing Garden. Ginter also donated the land for the campus of the Union Theological Seminary. Col. John Peter Smith of Ft. Worth, Texas donated land for parks, cemeteries, and hospitals, one of which still bears his name—John Peter Smith Hospital.

The most prominent of all Confederate philanthropists was Dr. Simon Baruch, a Jewish-Confederate surgeon from Charleston, South Carolina who served in the 13th Mississippi Infantry and 3rd South Carolina Infantry. After the Confederate retreat from Gettysburg, Baruch remained to treat wounded soldiers, after which he was imprisoned and exchanged. He returned to the 13th Mississippi and served for the remainder of the war. After the war Baruch practiced medicine in South Carolina, and volunteered his services for one year in the slums of New York City. Returning to South Carolina, he practiced medicine for 16 years, and in 1881 moved to New York City where he practiced medicine and became an outspoken proponent of public health and hygiene. Simon Baruch is the namesake of civil monuments, educational entities, and academic departments in New York City and throughout the country, many of which were established by his son Bernard M. Baruch, including several Simon Baruch Houses, a public housing complex in New York City, as well as buildings, halls, and academic chairs at Columbia University, Clemson University, the New York University College of Medicine, and the Medical College of Virginia/Virginia Commonwealth University. New York City Department of Education’s Middle School 104 is named Simon Baruch Middle School, along with an adjacent Simon Baruch Playground and Garden, under the auspices of the New York City Department of Parks. In 1940, the younger Baruch endowed in honor of his father, the Simon Baruch Auditorium building on the campus of the Medical University of South Carolina, and the Department of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation at Virginia Commonwealth University.

Thursday, October 12, 2017

Monumental Objection

(October 8, 2017) Last Thursday evening I spoke to the Cobb County (Georgia) Civil War Roundtable and visited the Kennesaw Mountain National Battlefield Park earlier in the day. Since my annotated and illustrated version of Confederate Private Sam Watkins’s Co. Aytch was my first Civil War book I was especially interested in visiting the battlefield’s Dead Angle. It was the Union army’s chief attack point and Sam’s was one of two defending regiments, assaulted from three sides.
For about ninety minutes on the morning of June 25, 1864 about 5,000 (mostly Illinois) Yankees attacked 1,000 Rebels at a defense line salient. Despite enduring murderous fire a minority of the attackers reached the opposing entrenchments where the fighting devolved into hand-to-hand struggles. Notwithstanding undeniable bravery, the attackers could not dislodge the defenders who were too well entrenched. Casualties totaled 825 Federals as compared to 170 Confederates.

Sam Watkins described the fighting as follows:
It seemed that the archangel of Death stood and looked on with outstretched wings, while all the earth was silent, when all at once a hundred guns from the Federal line opened upon us, and…poured their…shot, grape and shrapnel right upon [us] when, all of a sudden, our pickets jumped into our works and reported the Yankees advancing, and almost at the same time a solid line of bluecoats came up the hill.
My pen is unable to describe the scene of carnage and death that ensued…Column after column of Federal soldiers were crowded upon that line…but no sooner would a regiment mount our works than they were shot down or surrendered…
Yet still the Yankees came. It seemed impossible to check the onslaught, but every man was true to his trust…Talk about other battles…but in comparison with this day’s fight, all others dwarf into insignificance…[A] solid line of blazing fire right from the muzzles of the Yankee guns poured into our very faces, singeing our hair and clothes, the hot blood of our dead and wounded spurting on us, the blinding smoke and stifling atmosphere filling our eyes and mouths, and the awful concussion causing the blood to gush out of our noses and ears, and above all, the roar of battle, made it a perfect pandemonium.
I have heard men say that if they ever killed a Yankee during the war they were not aware of it.  I am satisfied that on this memorable day, every man in our regiment killed….All that was necessary was to load and shoot.  In fact, I will ever think that the reason they did not capture our works was the impossibility of their living men passing over the bodies of their dead.  The ground was piled up with one solid mass of dead and wounded Yankees.
Watkins went on to add, “a Yankee rushed me and said ‘You have killed my two brothers and now I’ve got you’…I heard a roar and felt a flash of fire and saw…Willam A. Hughes, grab the muzzle of the gun, receiving the whole (blast)…He died for me.
As Sam watched the litter carriers take Hughes away the dying soldier kept telling them, “Give me Florence Fleming,” his name for his rifle, which was engraved on it in silver lettering. “It was the last time I saw him,” Watkins wrote. “But I know away up yonder…in the blue vault of heaven…we will sometime meet at the marriage supper of the Son of God.”
Although twenty-first century traffic around Kennesaw is heavy, the Dead Angle is peaceful and thickly wooded.  The weathered remains of the Confederate entrenchments stand as remnants of the original earthworks much as the Appalachians are the residue of a range that was once as mighty as the Himalayas.
As I walked around the area I gradually became aware that there were no Confederate monuments. Although markers that described the action would mention both Union and Confederate participants, all the memorials were for Union soldiers. The most prominent was the Illinois monument pictured above. But there were also memorials for two slain Union generals and a third one for an unknown Federal soldier.
When I first visited the Gettysburg battlefield long ago, the spot where Joshua Chamberlain’s regiment turned back a part of the Rebel attack on Little Round Top was an obscure, seldom visited point. After Michael Shaara published The Killer Angels, however, the spot became one of the most popular sites on the park and a monument was added to memorialize Chamberlain and his troops. Even though the PBS Civil War Documentary in the early 1990's similarly popularized the Watkins memoir, there is no memorial to him and his comrades at Dead Angle.
The absence of Confederate monuments at Dead Angle reflects three factors.
First, Union veterans originally organized the site as a private park in 1898. For many years after the war Republican politicians “waved the bloody shirt” to remind Northern voters of Civil War casualties in order to gain political support among such veterans to promote hatred of Southerners, who were generally Democrats. Consequently, former Union soldiers formed the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR) as their veterans association. It successfully lobbied for generous, federally funded Union veterans pensions paid from the taxes of all Americans, including their former, impoverished, Southern enemies. Not until 1890 did the GAR gradually start relaxing its advocacy for universal censorship of Confederate displays such as Rebel battle flags and Confederate statues.
Second, Southerners were too poor to pay for memorials after the war. It was not until the decades between 1890 and 1920 that they had even modest sums available while the declining influence of “bloody shirt” politics relaxed opposition thereby enabling most of the Confederate statues remaining today to be erected.
Third, the present political climate is an amplified echo of the “bloody shirt” dogma of long ago. It demands hatred toward the memory of Rebel soldiers as well as the censorship and destruction of Confederate iconography. 
Too few of us object and even fewer of those disdaining Confederate soldier memory try to understand a different viewpoint.

Philip Leigh
3911 W. San Pedro
Tampa, Florida 33629


Monday, September 25, 2017

And So It Goes

By Valerie Protopapas

And so the final blows fall around us, in our institutions and on our streets, and we can say as God Himself once said, “It is finished.” He said it of His great work of redemption, but we can now say it of the noblest experiment of government ever attempted by man—the “united” States of America.
As in all things, we today witness only the end of a long train of evils which has led to these final blows. It actually began in 1787 when the convention called to amend the weaknesses in the Articles of Confederation was hijacked by men—including many so-called “Founding Fathers”—to accomplish what was in fact illegal under the terms of the Articles—that is, to revoke that light yoke of union and create a far more restrictive and dangerous ruling document that came to be known, paradoxically, as “the glorious Constitution.” In a way, it is almost amusing to hear so many “modern patriots” call loudly for a “return” to the Constitution when, in fact, what we have 225 years after that document’s ratification is the very result predicted by those who rejected it at the time.

But the Constitution was only the beginning of the effort to destroy a representative republic and replace it with an Empire ruled by a central authority. The destructive nature of the so-called “federal government” became more and more obvious as the union that President George Washington prayed would be “the first love and guiding duty of Americans,” became a matter of sectional self-interest, political corruption and economic despotism. Quickly (by historical standards), the former free association of (formerly) sovereign States became a contest of power and money based upon section. One section, the South, read the handwriting on the wall and tried to make use of the much vaunted Constitution to withdraw from what had become for them political impotence and economic bondage. Former United States Senator and the first—and only—President of the nation that those Southern States constitutionally created, Jefferson Davis, said many years after the bloodiest war ever fought by Americans,

“It is a satisfaction to know that the calamities which have befallen the Southern States were the result of their credulous reliance on the power of the Constitution, that if it failed to protect their rights, it would at least suffice to prevent an attempt at coercion, if, in the last resort, they peacefully withdrew from the Union.”

One cannot but wonder if we listen carefully enough, the ghost of that great Virginia patriot, Patrick Henry, can be heard calling from his tomb, “Ego me dixi vobis!” (I told you so!)

Lincoln’s war of conquest and consolidation put the final nail in the coffin of the already dying republic, replacing it with an empire eager for conquest and consolidation. Nonetheless, for all of their suffering and death, the Southern people were fortunate. Unlike the American Indian, they were permitted to continue to live in a state of quasi-freedom. Many today believe that they eventually acquired actual freedom with the end of reconstruction, but, in fact, by that time the rest of America’s liberties had been eroded away until there was little or no difference between the South after reconstruction and the rest of the nation without it. The only thing that grew stronger was the central government–and this is how it has continued. For a while, a sort of equilibrium remained because the nation retained its Christian moral heritage, most strongly in the South. But the communist/socialist philosophy of Marx’s American statist disciple, Abraham Lincoln, was not to be denied. Slowly, over the years, “progressives” like Teddy and Franklin Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson and others worked to grow the power of the central state to encompass ever wider areas within the lives of the People. Of course, this was often done with the best of intentions and, at the time, some of these efforts did achieve some desired good (such as TR’s efforts to provide Americans with healthy food and drugs). The problem, however, was that these “good intentions” were not and have never been amenable to limits! Since the concept of states’ rights had been destroyed in the mis-named “Civil War” and the states reduced to nothing more than bureaucratic entities within that central government, there simply was no way to curb Washington’s growing power.

The major stumbling block to the creation of an all powerful State was, as noted, America’s “Christian culture.” This was well known and efforts to undermine the morality of the People in order to create the “New World Order” began even before the end of the 19th Century. Educators and philosophers such as John Dewey brought their atheism and humanism into the American educational system with the understanding that America would never be free of Christian influence until it was destroyed in the young. In time, that branch of the central government most feared by Thomas Jefferson, the judiciary, moved not only to increase the power of government—and especially that of the judiciary—but to strike down Christian influences in the culture as well as in government. It was a deliberately slow process because the People were still feared if not respected—and politicians are generally more venal and self-serving than idealistic.

But it does not take a brilliant scholar to realize that if such judicial rulings by the courts as abortion on demand and “gay marriage” had been attempted before 1950, the outcry from the American People would have quickly ended such unholy and perverted policies, Supreme Court or no Supreme Court! But little by little, America’s values were worn away and little by little, Americans themselves became as corrupt, venal and wicked as their rulers. Churches in the name of “social justice” embraced policies that directly contradicted the teachings of Christ and their own doctrines. What we see today was best expressed by British poet Alexander Pope (1688-1744) who wrote,

“Vice is a monster of so frightful mien,
As to be hated needs but to be seen;
Yet seen too oft, familiar with her face,
we first endure, then pity, then embrace.”

The result of this “embrace” is that fewer and fewer Americans identify themselves today as “Christians” which is absolutely correct. Even many of those who continue to use that description believe and live in such a way as to make their claims ridiculous. Indeed, the only “religion” today that can boast of serious adherents is itself more bloody and blasphemous than the worst of humanism’s canons as the Crescent once more threatens to turn the world into one bloody 12th century caliphate. Ah, where are King Richard of the Lion’s Heart and Prince Eugen today? Instead, we have a conglomeration of pathetic capons who fear offending the wicked more than they wish to protect the good. In truth, we have the “leaders” we deserve.

But the killing blow to “the great experiment” was not delivered by a communist-Muslim mulatto homosexual foreigner whose ineligibility for his office both in talent and credentials was well known—and ignored—neither was it the result of the machinations of an atheist Jew whose vast fortune is the product of destroying nations and betraying his own people to their exterminators, nor of a Muslim prince who, four years before Barack Hussein Obama was foisted upon the nation confidently predicted that a Muslim would be in the White House—in four years. No, the killing blow came from none other than “We the People.” No longer able to resist corruption or maintain our morals because our once great Christian ethic had been replaced by the utilitarian creed of atheistic Secular Humanism, Americans have chosen what Milton once described as “…bondage with ease rather than strenuous liberty.” Of course, what Americans don’t realize is that “bondage with ease” is impossible. As fewer and fewer of the productive struggle to bear the burden of more and more of the unproductive and of the cost of the ruling class, the time must surely come—and soon—when that “bondage” will make of ante-bellum slavery a light and easy yoke.

No, we cannot blame our enemies. God knows, they made their intentions very well known throughout the years from Hamilton to Obama. Sadly, we have proven that nothing of value lasts and eventually, the greater is supplanted by the lesser. Thus, as of today, we no longer have the shoulders of giants upon which to stand but instead must watch the spectacle of our demise from the sewer of a culture we ourselves have allowed to be created.

Tuesday, September 19, 2017

UM admits Black Bear failure, launches new vote

BREAKING: Colonel Reb 2, UM Admin 0. It's Official...The Black Bear Sucks

After the 2003 defeat of University of Mississippi chancellor Robert Khayat and athletics director Pete Boone's attempt to force a new mascot "Rowdy Rebel" and/or "Rebel Bruiser," the Colonel Reb Foundation (CRF) and supporters of the Colonel have done it again!

After seven years of the forced "Rebel the Black Bear" experiment, the university is now trying to get a "student-led" vote to have the landshark replace the bear.   ASB president Dion Kevin III announced Monday a "landshark referendum," with a student vote to be held Sept. 26.

CRF student leader Wess Helton is leading the effort to include Colonel Reb on any so-called mascot vote.  A press release from the CRF outlines the response from the tradition-based student organization.

Please help Wess out!  Join the fight to include Colonel Reb and defeat the university's latest attempt to silence the nearly 90 percent of Ole Miss students that want the Colonel as their mascot.  Your financial support to Wess is very important.

And if you are a current UM student, please join Wess and the Colonel's army and let's be heard on Sept. 26.

BRAND NEW: Colonel/Mississippi Decals

Get the latest 5" tall bumper sticker from the Colonel Reb Foundation (CRF) at the Shop webpage.    The design features the CRF logo inside the state of Mississippi's outline.  Since the University of Mississippi curbed Colonel merchandise many years ago, it's been nearly impossible to find the popular decals featuring the lovable mascot...but you are now in luck!  Order your supply of the three-color, durable vinyl stickers today.

Support the CRF – an official student organization at the University of Mississippi
The CRF welcomes any and all financial support at the Donation Page.

It's Official...The Black Bear Sucks

Ole Miss Stirs Up Mascot Controversy Again.  Admits “Rebel the Black Bear” a failure. Wants to change mascot to loser of 2010 campus vote

OXFORD, Miss. – After spending millions of dollars since 2003 to convince students, alumni, and fans that the overwhelming and longstanding choice for the school mascot – Colonel Reb – is “deplorable”, leadership at the University of Mississippi finally admitted their despised 2010 choice for athletic mascot – “Rebel the Black Bear” – is a failure. After conspiring with the Chancellor and Athletic Director in private for the last several weeks it was revealed today by the ASB, the student government at Ole Miss, that it will host another campus vote to attempt to choose “Landshark” to replace the bear. In a 2010 research project of Ole Miss students, faculty, staff, alumni and season ticket holders just 62% percent supported the Rebel Black Bear and only 56% supported “Landshark”.  However, those numbers were dwarfed by people who rejected all of the choices available to them.  That 2010 vote was held after the University refused to recognize an earlier vote where 94% of students at Ole Miss voted to keep Colonel Reb as the school mascot.  Even a recent 2016 School of Journalism research project of almost 4000 students revealed that 86% of Ole Miss students want Colonel Reb as their mascot, with 72% of students proclaiming they "love" Colonel Reb.
Colonel Reb Foundation Student Chairman Wess Helton said, “Let me get this straight - the Ole Miss administration wants to change their current failed mascot to one that got even LESS support in their sham 2010 mascot election? On behalf of the thousands of student members at Ole Miss, we agree that the Black Bear is an embarrassment and a failure.  But using another closed process and a fake election to force their previously failed choice on students won’t solve anything.  The Colonel Reb Foundation calls for the ASB Senate to give us our true mascot choice in this election – Colonel Reb – or add “None of the Above” as an option for Ole Miss students.”
Since 2003 when the University Administration kicked Colonel Reb off the field but hypocritically continued to profit from his sales in bookstores, they have hired a parade of professional mascot consultants from New York and elsewhere that have consistently stated that if the Ole Miss fan base did not buy into the mascot forced upon them it would be a failure. The Black Bear mascot has to have a security detail in public due to the violent reactions of fans who have spit on, thrown things at, and even assaulted the costumed character.  Meanwhile, the student led Colonel Reb Foundation has had the support of millions of fans since 2003 appearing in the Grove, at athletic events both home and away, parades, and even weddings – all with private financial support of students, fans, and alumni.  In previous years the Colonel Reb mascot was always a student at Ole Miss and part of the Ole Miss Cheerleaders, each of whom received a partial scholarship.
Commenting on the proposed mascot change to Landshark Helton commented, “To change our mascot to a symbol that when used on the football field has resulted in an unsportsmanlike conduct penalty to our own team for taunting is almost laughable to me.  It’s not even original.  There is already a liberal arts school in Vermont that uses Landshark as their official mascot.”
Helton further stated, “In 2010 Senior Associate Athletics Director for Marketing and Communications Michael Thompson stated that the Black Bear would ‘complement the experience at all athletics events and create a lasting connection’.  That nearly yearlong process sought input from all members of the Ole Miss community complete with focus groups, town halls held across the state, and a vote of stakeholders that included students, alumni, and season ticket holders. The results showed overwhelming rejection for all of the limited choices available.  While this self-made disaster should have been avoided in 2010, I don’t understand why University officials think a 2017 Russian style election with a previously rejected choice forced by the liberal elites in the Administration and co-opted by their cronies in the ASB will solve anything.  Until University Administrators accept that the fans, students, and alumni of Ole Miss love their friendly cartoon character Colonel Reb they will continue to face the ire of the Ole Miss community.  Is this the ‘lasting connection’ that they are talking about?”
The Colonel Reb Foundation is a non-profit organization formed by students at Ole Miss in 2003 dedicated to preserving the 80 year tradition of having Colonel Reb as the mascot and logo of the University of Mississippi.
Colonel Reb Foundation, PO Box 2561, Oxford, MS 38655

Saturday, September 02, 2017

Stand for the Truth

By Dr. James Brooks

Our forebears braved the wilderness
They crossed wide rivers and settled the West,
They tamed the land, made it blossom like a rose,
But now alas some would steal our peoples’ soul,

Destroy our monuments, rewrite the past,
Rename the streets, burn books at the last,
Just as with the Nazis, such evil always grows,
If you would destroy a nation, that is how it goes,

And if our youth forget their past,
New histories will be written, each worse than the last,
For to speed the new world order, you eradicate the past,
It worked for the Nazis, it made their work go fast,

For what are a people without their heritage,
And what is a land without its past,
If we give in now, we will lose it all,
And we will have no freedom at the last,

When I was a lad, I heard my grandfather say,
You are of this land, and can see a brand new day,
If you stand for the truth and always say nay,
To those who would take your heritage away,

For a good heritage is a precious thing,
Whether you are a poor man or a king,
Don’t give in, or else you’ll lose it all,
Be like your forebears and stand up tall,

If all we do is look backward and yearn,
For the heroes of old and freedom’s return,
We are not worthy, for we have no sight,
Instead let us stand up and speak what is right,

 For what are a people without their heritage,
And what is a land without its past,
If we stand for the truth we will not lose it all,
And our children will bless us at the last.

Wednesday, August 23, 2017

New England's hidden history - More than we like to think, the North was built on slavery.

By Francie Latour 
September 26, 2010

In the year 1755, a black slave named Mark Codman plotted to kill his abusive master. A God-fearing man, Codman had resolved to use poison, reasoning that if he could kill without shedding blood, it would be no sin. Arsenic in hand, he and two female slaves poisoned the tea and porridge of John Codman repeatedly. The plan worked — but like so many stories of slave rebellion, this one ended in brutal death for the slaves as well. After a trial by jury, Mark Codman was hanged, tarred, and then suspended in a metal gibbet on the main road to town, where his body remained for more than 20 years.

It sounds like a classic account of Southern slavery. But Codman’s body didn’t hang in Savannah, Ga.; it hung in present-day Somerville, Mass. And the reason we know just how long Mark the slave was left on view is that Paul Revere passed it on his midnight ride. In a fleeting mention from Revere’s account, the horseman described galloping past “Charlestown Neck, and got nearly opposite where Mark was hung in chains.” When it comes to slavery, the story that New England has long told itself goes like this: Slavery happened in the South, and it ended thanks to the North. Maybe we had a little slavery, early on. But it wasn’t real slavery. We never had many slaves, and the ones we did have were practically family. We let them marry, we taught them to read, and soon enough, we freed them. New England is the home of abolitionists and underground railroads. In the story of slavery—and by extension, the story of race and racism in modern-day America—we’re the heroes. Aren’t we?

As the nation prepares to mark the 150th anniversary of the American Civil War in 2011, with commemorations that reinforce the North/South divide, researchers are offering uncomfortable answers to that question, unearthing more and more of the hidden stories of New England slavery—it’s brutality, its staying power, and its silent presence in the very places that have become synonymous with freedom. With the markers of slavery forgotten even as they lurk beneath our feet—from graveyards to historic homes, from Lexington and Concord to the halls of Harvard University—historians say it is time to radically rewrite America’s slavery story to include its buried history in New England.

“The story of slavery in New England is like a landscape that you learn to see,” said Anne Farrow, who co-wrote “Complicity: How the North Promoted, Prolonged, and Profited From Slavery” and who is researching a new book about slavery and memory. “Once you begin to see these great seaports and these great historic houses, everywhere you look, you can follow it back to the agricultural trade of the West Indies, to the trade of bodies in Africa, to the unpaid labor of black people.” It was the 1991 discovery of an African burial ground in New York City that first revived the study of Northern slavery. Since then, fueled by educators, preservationists, and others, momentum has been building to recognize histories hidden in plain sight. Last year, Connecticut became the first New England state to formally apologize for slavery. In classrooms across the country, popularity has soared for educational programs on New England slavery designed at Brown University. In February, Emory University will hold a major conference on the role slavery’s profits played in establishing American colleges and universities, including in New England. And in Brookline, Mass., a program called Hidden Brookline is designing a virtual walking tour to illuminate its little-known slavery history: At one time, nearly half the town’s land was held by slave owners.

“What people need to understand is that, here in the North, while there were not the large plantations of the South or the Caribbean islands, there were families who owned slaves,” said Stephen Bressler, director of Brookline’s Human Relations-Youth Resources Commission. “There were businesses actively involved in the slave trade, either directly in the importation or selling of slaves on our shores, or in the shipbuilding, insurance, manufacturing of shackles, processing of sugar into rum, and so on. Slavery was a major stimulus to the Northern economy.” Turning over the stones to find those histories isn’t just a matter of correcting the record, he and others say. It’s crucial to our understanding of the New England we live in now.

“The absolute amnesia about slavery here on the one hand, and the gradualness of slavery ending on the other, work together to make race a very distinctive thing in New England,” said Joanne Pope Melish, who teaches history at the University of Kentucky and wrote the book “Disowning Slavery: Gradual Emancipation and ‘Race’ in New England, 1780-1860.” “If you have obliterated the historical memory of actual slavery—because we’re the free states, right?—that makes it possible to turn around and look at a population that is disproportionately poor and say, it must be their own inferiority. That is where New England’s particular brand of racism comes from.” Dismantling the myths of slavery doesn’t mean ignoring New England’s role in ending it. In the 1830s and ’40s, an entire network of white Connecticut abolitionists emerged to house, feed, clothe, and aid in the legal defense of Africans from the slave ship Amistad, a legendary case that went all the way to the US Supreme Court and helped mobilize the fight against slavery. Perhaps nowhere were abolition leaders more diehard than in Massachusetts: Pacifist William Lloyd Garrison and writer Henry David Thoreau were engines of the antislavery movement. Thoreau famously refused to pay his taxes in protest of slavery, part of a philosophy of civil disobedience that would later influence Martin Luther King Jr. But Thoreau was tame compared to Garrison, a flame-thrower known for shocking audiences. Founder of the New England Anti-Slavery Society and the newspaper The Liberator, Garrison once burned a copy of the US Constitution at a July Fourth rally, calling it “a covenant with death.” His cry for total, immediate emancipation made him a target of death threats and kept the slavery question at a perpetual boil, fueling the moral argument that, in time, would come to frame the Civil War.

But to focus on crusaders like Garrison is to ignore ugly truths about how unwillingly New England as a whole turned the page on slavery. Across the region, scholars have found, slavery here died a painfully gradual death, with emancipation laws and judicial rulings that either were unclear, poorly enforced, or written with provisions that kept slaves and the children born to them in bondage for years. Meanwhile, whites who had trained slaves to do skilled work refused to hire the same blacks who were now free, driving an emerging class of skilled workers back to the lowest rungs of unskilled labor. Many whites, driven by reward money and racial hatred, continued to capture and return runaway Southern slaves; some even sent free New England blacks south, knowing no questions about identity would be asked at the other end. And as surely as there was abolition, there was “bobalition” — the mocking name given to graphic, racist broadsides printed through the 1830s, ridiculing free blacks with characters like Cezar Blubberlip and Mungo Mufflechops. Plastered around Boston, the posters had a subtext that seemed to boil down to this: Who do these people think they are? Citizens?

“Is Garrison important? Yes. Is it dangerous to be an abolitionist at that time? Absolutely,” said Melish. “What is conveniently forgotten is the number of people making a living snagging free black people in a dark alley and shipping them south.” Growing up in Lincoln, Mass., historian Elise Lemire vividly remembers learning of the horrors of a slaveocracy far, far away. “You knew, for example, that families were split up, that people were broken psychologically and kept compliant by the fear of your husband or wife being sold away, or your children being sold away,” said Lemire, author of the 2009 book “Black Walden,” who became fascinated with former slaves banished to squatter communities in Walden Woods. As she peeled back the layers, Lemire discovered a history rarely seen by the generations of tourists and schoolchildren who have learned to see Concord as a hotbed of antislavery activism. “Slaves [here] were split up in the same way,” she said. “You didn’t have any rights over your children. Slave children were given away all the time, sometimes when they were very young.”

In Lemire’s Concord, slave owners once filled half of town government seats, and in one episode town residents rose up to chase down a runaway slave. Some women remained enslaved into the 1820s, more than 30 years after census figures recorded no existing slaves in Massachusetts. According to one account, a former slave named Brister Freeman, for whom Brister’s Hill in Walden Woods is named, was locked inside a slaughterhouse shed with an enraged bull as his white tormentors laughed outside the door. And in Concord, Lemire argues, black families were not so much liberated as they were abandoned to their freedom, released by masters increasingly fearful their slaves would side with the British enemy. With freedom, she said, came immediate poverty: Blacks were forced to squat on small plots of the town’s least arable land, and eventually pushed out of Concord altogether—a precursor to the geographic segregation that continues to divide black and white in New England. “This may be the birthplace of a certain kind of liberty,” Lemire said, “but Concord was a slave town. That’s what it was.”

If Concord was a slave town, historians say, Connecticut was a slave state. It didn’t abolish slavery until 1848, a little more than a decade before the Civil War. (A judge’s ruling ended legal slavery in Massachusetts in 1783, though the date is still hotly debated by historians.) It’s a history Connecticut author and former Hartford Courant journalist Anne Farrow knew nothing about—until she got drawn into an assignment to find the untold story of one local slave. Once she started pulling the thread, Farrow said, countless histories unfurled: accounts of thousand-acre slave plantations and a livestock industry that bred the horses that turned the giant turnstiles of West Indian sugar mills. Each discovery punctured another slavery myth. “A mentor of mine has said New England really democratized slavery,” said Farrow. “Where in the South a few people owned so many slaves, here in the North, many people owned a few. There was a widespread ownership of black people.” Perhaps no New England colony or state profited more from the unpaid labor of blacks than Rhode Island: Following the Revolution, scholars estimate, slave traders in the tiny Ocean State controlled between two-thirds and 90 percent of America’s trade in enslaved Africans. On the rolling farms of Narragansett, nearly one-third of the population was black—a proportion not much different from Southern plantations. In 2003, the push to reckon with that legacy hit a turning point when Brown University, led by its first African-American president, launched a highly controversial effort to account for its ties to Rhode Island’s slave trade. Today, that ongoing effort includes the CHOICES program, an education initiative whose curriculum on New England slavery is now taught in over 2,000 classrooms.

As Brown’s decision made national headlines, Katrina Browne, a Boston filmmaker, was on a more private journey through New England slavery, tracing her bloodlines back to her Rhode Island forebears, the DeWolf family. As it turned out, the DeWolfs were the biggest slave-trading family in the nation’s biggest slave-trading state. Browne’s journey, which she chronicled in the acclaimed documentary “Traces of the Trade: A Story from the Deep North,” led her to a trove of records of the family’s business at every point in slavery’s triangle trade. Interspersed among the canceled checks and ship logs, Browne said, she caught glimpses into everyday life under slavery, like the diary entry by an overseer in Cuba that began, “I hit my first Negro today for laughing at prayers.” Today, Browne runs the Tracing Center, a nonprofit to foster education about the North’s complicity in slavery. “I recently picked up a middle school textbook at an independent school in Philadelphia, and it had sub-chapter headings for the Colonial period that said ‘New England,’ and then ‘The South and Slavery,’” said Browne, who has trained park rangers to talk about Northern complicity in tours of sites like Philadelphia’s Liberty Bell. “Since learning about my family and the whole North’s role in slavery, I now consider these things to be my problem in a way that I didn’t before.”

If New England’s amnesia has been pervasive, it has also been willful, argues C.S. Manegold, author of the new book “Ten Hills Farm: The Forgotten History of Slavery in the North.” That’s because many of slavery’s markers aren’t hidden or buried. In New England, one need look no further than a symbol that graces welcome mats, door knockers, bedposts, and all manner of household decor: the pineapple. That exotic fruit, said Manegold, is as intertwined with slavery as the Confederate flag: When New England ships came to port, captains would impale pineapples on a fence post, a sign to everyone that they were home and open for business, bearing the bounty of slave labor and sometimes slaves themselves. “It’s a symbol everyone knows the benign version of—the happy story that pineapples signify hospitality and welcome,” said Manegold, whose book centers on five generations of slaveholders tied to one Colonial era estate, the Royall House and Slave Quarters in Medford, Mass., now a museum. The house features two carved pineapples at its gateposts. By Manegold’s account, pineapples were just the beginning at this particular Massachusetts farm: Generation after generation, history at the Royall House collides with myths of freedom in New England—starting with one of the most mythical figures of all, John Winthrop. Author of the celebrated “City Upon a Hill” sermon and first governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, Winthrop not only owned slaves at Ten Hills Farm, but in 1641, he helped pass one of the first laws making chattel slavery legal in North America.

When the house passed to the Royalls, Manegold said, it entered a family line whose massive fortune came from slave plantations in Antigua. Members of the Royall family would eventually give land and money that helped establish Harvard Law School. To this day, the law school bears a seal borrowed from the Royall family crest, and for years the Royall Professorship of Law remained the school’s most prestigious faculty post, almost always occupied by the law school dean. It wasn’t until 2003 that an incoming dean—now Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan—now turned the title down. Kagan didn’t publicly explain her decision. But her actions speak to something Manegold and others say could happen more broadly: not just inserting footnotes to New England heritage tours and history books, but truly recasting that heritage in all its painful complexity.

“In Concord,” Lemire said, “the Minutemen clashed with the British at the Old North Bridge within sight of a man enslaved in the local minister’s house. The fact that there was slavery in the town that helped birth American liberty doesn’t mean we shouldn’t celebrate the sacrifices made by the Minutemen. But it does mean New England has to catch up with the rest of the country, in much of which residents have already wrestled with their dual legacies of freedom and slavery.”
Francie Latour is an associate editor at Wellesley magazine and a former Globe reporter.


This report will not be about the details of what is currently going on in Virginia. Most of what can be said about this has been said.   I have talked to the press from Canada to Great Britain. I have been interviewed by every left wing newspaper, TV network, and radio station from here to the Mississippi.  Travis Toombs, Fred Chiesa and others have done a great job of getting this word out to you, the members of the Virginia Division and even the outside world.

There is only one thing further I wish to say about Charlottesville.  On the evening of August 21st, a council meeting was held in that city.  Even with looking at the news and reading about it, it was difficult to determined the pro or con of those in attendance.  It turned into a free-for-all with the Mayor and Council retreating to a back room.  Judging by quotes and signs, it was apparent that all parties agreed on  one thing.......that all of the violence brought to Charlottesville was the fault of the Mayor and the City Council.  It was evident that this was a self inflected wound by signs telling the council that they had blood on their hands.

There have been questions as to whether or not the Virginia Division is holding a rally.  The answer is yes we are.  Hopefully it will be the largest rally we have ever held in Virginia.  The date will be November 7, 2017.  It will last all day and into the evening.  It will be held at locations all over the State.  These locations are called   Polling one will be more than a mile or two from one of these rally points.  You have no excuse not to be there.

It doesn't matter what you have or haven't done for the cause before. This is your chance to stand up and be counted.   Don't just say "somebody should do something", BE that somebody.  Speaking for the Virginia Division SCV, I am not permitted to tell you how to vote.  You must figure that out on your own.  We can tell you that the candidates from one party have already stated that the Monuments WILL COME DOWN. They can't wait to get into office to make this happen.  The other party's candidates have stated that they WILL NOT SEEK to take down the monuments or rewrite Virginia history.

This is a major turning point for our State and the Country.  If you have never voted before, vote this time. If you are not registered, get registered!  If for any reason like minded neighbors can not get to the polls, drive them there yourself.  Get every sane, rational, member of your family to vote.  This is your chance to stop asking about what is being done about the monuments and do something yourself. If we lose this election, steps will be taken the very next day to remove all our monuments. (ie: repeal the monument protection act)

These monuments, along with the graves of our sacred dead, are the last vestiges we still have of our Heritage.  It is not enough to just vote.  We must tell others to register and vote.  We need 10 even 20 thousand votes.  We can do it!  We must over come the carpet bagger votes from Northern Virginia.
Sad to say, Northern Virginia has become nothing but a puddle of ooze overflowing from the Swamp that is Washington, D.C.

It is up to you now.  You must come to this November 7th rally.  You must bring everyone you can.  With victory on November 8th, we can all sing  "Carry me back to Old Virginia."

We have a chance to save the Virginia that our ancestors fought and died for.  We must not fail them.
Sic  Semper Tyrannis
God Save the Commonwealth
Virginia...The Old Dominion...where Liberty and Independence were born!

B Frank Earnest
Heritage Defense Coordinator
Virginia Division Sons of Confederate Veterans

Sunday, August 20, 2017

The Great Peace Invasion

During the War Between the States Atlanta’s militia company, the Gate City Guard, had greeted Union troops with the open arms of battle. In 1879 the “reconstructed” Gate City Guard visited Northern units it had fought against during the War and were welcomed with the open arms of friendship. This reconciliation tour of the North became known as:

The Great Peace Invasion
By John C. Whatley

Atlanta’s Gate City Guard originally organized as a militia company in 1855 to assist the police force of Atlanta. With the outbreak of the War Between the States, the Guard volunteered its services to the State of Georgia, becoming Company F of the 1st Regiment of Georgia Volunteers (Ramsay’s). Mustered into Confederate service, the Guard was initially sent to Pensacola, Florida, to serve under Confederate General Braxton Bragg. Reassigned to Virginia, it participated in the Battle of Carrick’s Ford and the Cheat River campaign under General Robert E. Lee. Later the Guard joined General Stonewall Jackson for his advance on Hancock and Romney, Virginia. After its year of service expired, many of the old company joined the 9th Georgia Light Artillery Battalion commanded by Major Austin Leyden, a former lieutenant of the Guard, and served in the Army of Northern Virginia through Appomattox. After the War the members returned to Atlanta to rebuild their lives.
In 1870 many of the old members reorganized the company with younger recruits, electing Major Leyden as its captain. After reorganizing, though, it was found that, under the Federal Reconstruction Statutes, no State military organizations were permitted or recognized in the former rebellious States. The company continued in limbo until July 1876 and the end of Reconstruction, when it reorganized permanently.
Comprising only 30 troops at that time, the Guard immediately began to expand with new recruits. Major Leyden initially presided over the reorganization, but resigned to devote more time to his growing business interests in Atlanta. The Guard then elected Joseph F. Burke of Charleston, South Carolina, its captain by unanimous vote on March 21, 1878.
Burke openly stated he believed that the South was right to secede to maintain local self-government. At the outbreak of the War Between the States, he belonged to a corps of cadets in the South Carolina First Regiment of Rifles, and took part in the firing on the Star of the West on January 9, 1861. He also participated in the bombardment of Fort Sumter and other battles. But with the military settlement of the War, he followed Robert E. Lee’s admonition to go home and become a good citizen.
When he became commander of the Guard, he determined to visit his home town of Charleston and take the Gate City Guard with him. A week of military encampment at the historic city would give the Guard another taste of camp life and military discipline, and also allow them to visit a celebrated locality. This proposed visit was warmly received by the members of the Gate City Guard, and by the public of Atlanta generally. Burke invited Governor A. H. Colquitt, a former Confederate general, to go with the Guard as its guest. Governor Wade Hampton of South Carolina, another former Confederate general, granted Captain Burke’s request for permission to march at Charleston and issued an invitation to visit Columbia as well. This successful meeting of the Georgia and South Carolina militias became a mere prelude to the future.
Following the successful encampment in South Carolina, Captain Burke announced another undertaking, a friendly invasion of the North. Sectional prejudice at that time formed the stock in trade of many Northern politicians, called “waving the bloody shirt.” But Captain Burke believed that such sentiments were not representative of the majority of people of the North, whether civilians or soldiers. He believed that a representative military organization, comprised of men who had faithfully defended the Confederacy, would do valuable service in restoring the Union. He claimed that a Union pinned together by bayonets would be worse than no Union at all.
In 1879 Burke planned the “Northern Tour” in which the Guard would visit Northern cities, dressed in their blue uniforms and bearing the United States flag, and test the temper of the Northern people. Georgians, at least, were reconstructed, were willing to let bygones be bygones, and would bury the “bloody shirt” with all its bitter memories.
The friends of the Guard were divided as to the opportuneness of this visit. Some pointed out that no such movement with the same unselfish and patriotic purpose had ever been undertaken by the military. It was argued that the time was not ripe for such an undertaking, that sectional feeling was yet deeply rooted, and the Guard might find themselves received with chilling courtesy or open hostility. Governor Colquitt and others, however, advised the fraternal mission proceed, pointing out the historic importance of the undertaking.
As the Rome Tribune of September 30, 1879, reported: “[The Gate City Guard] is making preparation for their visit to Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, New Haven, Hartford, Boston and Lawrence, Mass., and other cities. The undertaking has assumed a national character, and the grandest receptions await them in all these cities on their route, beginning at Washington by President [Rutherford B.] Hayes. Their private car is being refurnished and will go with them to Boston and return. … The visit is calculated to have excellent effect in promoting a feeling of fraternity between the sections of our country, which is the prime object of the tour.”
An Atlanta Constitution reporter called on Burke, asking for details of the tour. “At Washington we will be the guests of the Washington Light Infantry. President Hayes, if he should be in Washington, will also give us a reception. In my conversation with him a few weeks ago, he spoke very kindly of the Atlanta people, of their hospitality, thrift and enterprise, and dwelt at some length on the good effect our visit to the North would have in promoting harmony and fraternal feeling between the extreme sections of the country, and expressed much pleasure at the prospect of meeting the military and civil representatives of Atlanta in Washington. … The object of the trip is to observe the militia systems of Northern States and at the same time to promote, as far as possible, harmony and good feeling between the people of both sections of our country.”
At departure the Guard marched through applauding crowds of enthusiastic Atlantans down to their special railcar. With many “God speeds” and benedictions from loved ones, the Guard began its trip to Washington. At Belle Isle, Virginia, however, the Guard’s train was unexpectedly halted by a delegation from the Richmond Light Infantry Blues, headed by Gov. John S. Wise and a large number of officers, who entertained them with a luncheon and speeches.
The Washington Post reported on the Guard’s arrival in Washington: “It is doubtful if any visiting company of military ever met with the reception that was accorded the Gate City Guard, of Atlanta, Ga., by the Washington Light Infantry and citizens on their arrival last night, en route for the North. … The Gate City Guard numbered forty men, nearly all of whom were young and of splendid appearance, wearing a blue uniform with canary color trimmings, white crossbelts, blue dress-coats and stiff hats with drooping plumes. … As they appeared on the depot platform, [they] were greeted with loud cheers by a large mass of citizens in attendance. … From the depot all along the route, the greatest enthusiasm prevailed. When the two companies entered Sixth Street, they were surrounded by a concourse numbering several thousand persons, who participated in the street demonstration, affording the Southerners a mammoth escort. In addition to the generous excitement there was a fine display of pyrotechnics. The scene on the line of march was exceedingly brilliant; various colored lights, Roman candles, crackers, bombs and other fireworks being discharged at every point. … During the march the visiting troops performed a number of military maneuvers with a precision that won round after round of cheers. At the armory other evolutions were gone through, after which Col. [W. G.] Moore [commander of the corps], in a neat little speech, welcomed the Southern troops, to which Capt. Burke responded, stating the purpose of the Guards’ visit, and making an appropriate allusion to the beautiful United States flag which they brought with them.”
“It was only by special and earnest request that Capt. J. F. Burke consented to give a public drill,” reported the Washington National Republican, “as it was the desire of the members, while on their tour, to avoid, if possible, the notoriety that would probably result. The continued cheers by the thousands who witnessed the drill, the waving of handkerchiefs by the hundreds of ladies from the balconies and windows, as each movement was faultlessly executed, must indeed have been appreciated by the Guard. Nothing has ever been seen like it in this city. The whole line was more like mechanical figures than human beings.”
The Washington Post reported the next day that “At 10 o’clock in the morning, clothed in fatigue uniforms, the strangers were attended to Mount Vernon by a committee of the Light Infantry. … Having thoroughly canvassed the historical attractions at the tomb of the immortal Washington, the troops returned to the city, and repaired to the armory of the local military. At 4 o’clock, P.M., [they were] escorted by two companies of the Washington Light Infantry, one in full dress, and the other in fatigue uniform. … On the march from the Opera House to the depot, the Avenue was again brilliantly illuminated with a continued shower of pyrotechnics, and the Atlanta Military left the National Capital as they were welcomed, in a brilliant and illuminated enthusiastic ovation, in which the citizens vied with the military to make it a success.”
The Baltimore Sun reported on the arrival of the Guard there: “Never before, perhaps, in the history of Baltimore, was a more cordial and general welcome extended by its citizens to a visiting military organization than that which received the Gate City Guard, of Atlanta, Ga., yesterday. ... At 9 A.M. Company B, of the Fifth Maryland Regiment, with 75 men in line, … assembled at the armory on Howard Street, in full regimentals, [and] preceded by the band and drum corps, marched to Calvert Station. Here Capt. Burke, of the Guard, was introduced by Lieut. H. E. Mann, of the Fifth. The Guard marched out of the depot [and] were received with a marching salute. The Georgians marched with the precision of veterans, and their well-executed maneuvers on the way elicited warm applause from the dense throng of spectators. …
“At 2:30 P. M., a banquet was served to the visiting military. … Capt. Burke, in response to calls from the company, made an excellent speech. … Touching upon politics, Capt. Burke said the Georgians are fully reconstructed, they believe the war is over. The Guard comes to the North that they may meet their fellow-citizens there and seal the bonds of friendship more strongly still. It was contrary, he knew, to military usage for a company to carry a flag, but he had suggested that the Guard should carry the Stars and Stripes, which they had won at Rome, Ga., last July, if for nothing else than at least to show it to the people of the North and reintroduce them to the flag of their forefathers.”
The Baltimore Daily News noted that “As the Guard passed in parade along our streets their precision of step and soldierly bearing elicited general commendation, but whenever they performed any evolution or executed a command, all of which were done as by one man, the enthusiasm knew no bounds – the multitude broke into long-continued applause. One feature was especially noticeable, which was the gentlemanly appearance and deportment of the members.”
On October 10, 1879, the Guard arrived in Philadelphia, “under escort of a committee of the State Fencibles” according to the Philadelphia Press. “Cheer after cheer went up from the crowd. The battalion of Fencibles were drawn up in line on Broad Street, and they saluted the visitors with military courtesy, after which both organizations were drawn up in line. … The marching of the visitors was perfection itself, while the maneuvers were admitted by those versed in military matters to be really astonishing. Both organizations were heartily applauded all along the route.”
The Guard went into a room of the State House, where sat the table on which the Declaration of Independence had been signed. Captain Burke, asked for a few words, said, “[W]hen you spoke of the table upon which was signed the Declaration of Independence, I thought of the Stars and Stripes, which we have brought with us to testify that it is our wish to cement together the lately divided sections of our country. … Nevertheless we have brought the ‘Stars and Stripes’ with us, for we could not resist the temptation of introducing you to the flag of your forefathers (great laughter); that glorious banner that is destined to float forever over the greatest government the world ever saw. It will never be trailed in the dust, for if we of the South were unable to pull it down, nobody else can (great applause). I accept your invitation to renew our political vows over the table of the Declaration of Independence, and we pledge our fealty to the Constitution of our fathers.”
“There is a ring of true statesmanship about that visit [of the Gate City Guard] that politicians can not ignore,” wrote the Philadelphia Evening Paper. “It was a happy thought, and we are glad that our people welcomed them so heartily. They are certainly a fine body of young gentlemen.”
On October 11, 1879, the Guard arrived in New York, “and were warmly received and entertained by the Seventh Regiment,” reported the New York Herald. “After the customary military etiquette the Seventh, headed by Grafulla’s band, led the Georgians up Courtland Street to Broadway, amid the plaudits of the thousands who lined the sidewalks to view the pageant and welcome the Southerners. … [T]he police had all they could do to keep the plaza clear when the drums and cornets in the distance told of the columns’ approach.”
Colonel Emmons Clark, commanding the Seventh Regiment, welcomed the Guard, saying, “I assure you, Capt. Burke, the kindly feelings evinced by your most praiseworthy visit are heartily reciprocated by us all.” Captain Burke reflected on “how speedily and peacefully our differences would have been adjusted had they been left to the citizen soldiers of our common country (applause). … Here on Northern soil the sons of those who were estranged in deadly conflict but a few years ago, meet and embrace in the bonds of fellowship – united once more under the same roof – breaking bread at the same table; it is a grand subject, this glorious re-union and the fraternal mingling of two great sections of our country.”
“The reception of the Gate City Guard at the armory of the Seventh Regiment was one of those open, generous affairs that only soldiers can give, and which must be seen to be appreciated,” continued the Herald. “Then followed, at the request of the officers of the Seventh Regiment, the exhibition drill of the Gate City Guard, which astonished and delighted the members of the Seventh, who cheered the skillful execution of many evolutions to the echo. The precision and accuracy of the strangers was certainly marvelous, and were characterized by some of the veterans of the Seventh as unequaled by any visiting corps. … [T]he armory fairly rang with the plaudits of the Seventh.”
Lieutenant William Sparks of the Guard, asked about the parade on Broadway, replied: “I was somewhat doubtful of our visit to Philadelphia, until after we arrived there, because the political feeling in that city had been strongly antagonistic to the South, but when I found that our mission of reconciliation was understood and so warmly appreciated, I felt that New York would understand the purpose of our visit at once.” To which the New York Sun opined that “The visit among us of the Gate City Guard will do more to bring about an understanding between North and South than the legislation of a century.”
The Guard arrived in Hartford, Connecticut “amid the cheers of a large crowd and a salute of thirteen guns … and were escorted to Bushnell Park, where they were received by the historic Putnam Phalanx with military courtesies,” reported the Hartford Times. “Prominent among the decorated buildings was that of the Times . . . [where] stood a large figure of the ‘Goddess of Liberty,’ her hand stretched forth toward the South, bearing a branch of palm. Above this, surrounded by flags and festoons of red, white and blue, was the inscription: ‘The Only Arms Today – Open Arms.’ ”
At a banquet given by the Putnam Phalanx, Captain Burke was asked for a few words: “We have come here to clasp hands as did our fathers in the days of the revolution, when faith, truth, hope and liberty in a common cause, struggled and triumphed together. We come divested of the pomp and circumstance of war, bearing with us the Stars and Stripes. The flag that is ours, the emblem of our power, destined to float over a great nation and a brave people (applause). We are here united as a common people and have broken bread together. It is a noble sight; we are here to grasp your hands in fraternal feeling (applause).”
An expected guest had to send his regrets: “I am glad to add my voice to yours in welcoming the Georgians to Hartford. Personal contact and communion of Northerners and Southerners over the friendly board will do more toward obliterating sectional lines, and restoring mutual respect and esteem than any other thing that can be devised. S. L. Clemens [Mark Twain].”
The Hartford Travelers Record noted that “The Gate City Guard took possession of our city without firing a gun – but they conquered our hearts and we surrendered. Friends of the South, we can never quarrel again with those for whom Captain Burke so feelingly spoke in his address.” The Hartford Times reported: “Short as the visit was, it was fraught with cordiality and good feeling. It showed the Southerners that the ‘Yankees’ were ready with open arms to give them a hearty welcome, that all differences of the past were buried. It is greatly to be regretted that the company was compelled to go so soon, but the friendships formed last night will prove lasting ones.”
The next stop was Boston, where the Boston Daily Advertiser reported: “The Gate City Guard of Atlanta, Ga., one of the crack military organizations of the South, for whose advent here much had been arranged by the city government, military organizations and private citizens, arrived in this city yesterday [and] were received at the station by … the Boston Light Infantry [and] the Infantry Veterans Association. … The company is composed of veterans of the Civil War and young men, sons of Confederate veterans.”
The mayor welcomed the Guard “[not] as citizens of Georgia, but as citizens of the United States – having the same government, recognizing the same flag, and sharing the same political destiny. We interpret this visit on the part of our guests as an assurance that all hideous recollections of the fraternal strife and discord which have so recently reddened and polluted their part of this great country are to be buried in perpetual oblivion, as an assurance of our reconciliation and amity never to be again disturbed (applause). … We are one people, all interested, share and share alike, in the common prosperity and glory (applause). Do not let the politicians and office-seekers make you believe that anything can come between the people of this great country, and prevent unity of heart, so essential to political unity (applause). … I most heartily endorse the fraternal purpose of our visitors from Georgia and I bid them God speed on their patriotic mission.”
The Boston Globe noted that “Capt. Burke confesses that when he set out on his tour he had misgivings as to the temper in which a Southern military organization would be received. … But in the case of our Atlanta visitors this misapprehension of Northern sentiment has been dispelled. The words of Capt. Burke should be pondered by the organs of animosity in this section; that ‘the people of this country bear no ill-will toward each other by reason of State boundaries or a deplorable past, and only subtle schemes of designing men can keep the people of both sections from that union and fraternization which we all so ardently desire.’ ”
The Lawrence Daily Eagle editorialized that “Since the war of the rebellion, a Southern militia organization under arms has not been witnessed in our streets ’til now, and to see such again, marching under the old flag, on a mission of patriotic fellowship, is certainly a distinguished sight, and our citizens and soldiery did just right to give them a hearty welcome. A better acquaintance with the people of the North will do great good, and though the magnanimity shown to them by us is unparalleled in history, it is an omen of our advanced civilization.”
After this the Guard was recalled to Hartford, Connecticut, where they were lavishly entertained, then escorted to Poughkeepsie, N.Y., where the 21st Regiment hosted a tour of Vassar College and Eastman College.
Arriving back in New York, it was time for the Gate City Guard to return to Atlanta. As its train made its way southward, the Washington Light Infantry, fearing the Guard would be worn out, stopped the train and provided a luncheon at the depot. At Charlotte, N.C., they were again stopped by the citizens and the military. Here again they were feasted and congratulated on their tour of the North. The Guard was met in Atlanta, after an absence of nearly three weeks, by the citizens and the company of the Guard who could not go on the Northern tour.
“And thus ended one of the most patriotic and successful military expeditions ever planned and executed in time of peace,” recorded The Chronicles of The Old Guard. “The movements of the Guard from place to place on its grand tour of reconciliation had been closely watched by the people and press of the South. Dixie reached every round of applause accorded to her representative sons, and felt pride in the general acclamations of welcome that greeted the Gate City Guard on Northern soil. And this conciliatory movement proved the forerunner of a wave of fraternal feeling that swept over the Union.”
This was the beginning of many joint enterprises between militia units of the North and the South. Eventually the United States abandoned the militia system and replaced it with the National Guard. The Governor of Georgia ordered all State militia units to join the Georgia National Guard, but the Civil War veterans in the Gate City Guard decided they were too old for active service. In 1893 they withdrew from the Gate City Guard and formed the Old Guard Battalion of the Gate City Guard, which is still part of the Georgia State Militia and a member of The Centennial Legion of Historic Military Commands. The Gate City Guard is today part of the Georgia Army National Guard.
Burke was elected colonel of the Old Guard Battalion and served until 1914. At his death in 1927, he was buried in Atlanta’s historic Oakland Cemetery, his mausoleum still maintained by The Old Guard.
In 1909 it had been suggested at the annual meeting of the Gate City Guard that a monument be erected in the city commemorating “The Great Peace Invasion” of 1879. A committee was appointed to carry out this project, which eventually became a committee of The Old Guard. Subscriptions to cover its cost were enthusiastically bought up by the citizens of Atlanta.
On October 10, 1911, the Peace Monument was dedicated. The ceremonies were attended by the Northern units visited during the “Mission of Peace” with a day-long parade and feasting. The two-story monument, refurbished in 1996 for the Centennial Olympic Games in Atlanta, still stands at the 14th Street entrance to Piedmont Park in Atlanta, and is rededicated each year by The Old Guard.
Atop the monument is a statue of the Angel of Peace holding an olive branch who tells a Confederate soldier about to fire his weapon that “Peace is proclaimed.” The front tablet on the base of the statue states: “The Gate City Guard under the command of Captain Joseph F. Burke desiring to restore fraternal sentiment among the people of all sections of our country, and ignoring sectional animosity, on October 6th, 1879, went forth to greet their former adversaries in the Northern and Eastern States, inviting them to unite with the people of the South to heal the nation’s wounds in a peaceful and prosperous reunion of the states. This ‘Mission of Peace’ was enthusiastically endorsed by the military and citizens in every part of the Union, and this Monument is erected as an enduring testimonial to their patriotic contribution to the cause of national fraternity. Dedicated October 10, 1911 by Hoke Smith, Governor of Georgia, and Simeon E. Baldwin, Governor of Connecticut.” The east tablet contains the list of the military organizations involved, which include those the Gate City Guard visited during its Great Peace Invasion in 1879.

John C. Whatley is a retired field artillery officer and formerly a lieutenant colonel in The Old Guard, serving as Commander of the Color Guard. He and the Color Guard participated in the burial of the Hunley crew in Charleston. He is also the author of The Typical Confederate series, and over 200 other by-lined WBTS articles published in newspapers and magazines. As a reenactor, he commands the First Regiment of the Georgia State Line, and speaks to historic organizations about the Confederate soldier..
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