SHNV's Supporters for Apr. 2012:
Brock Townsend
Faithful Southron, THANK YOU!!

Southern Heritage <br>News and Views

Tuesday, October 31, 2017


By James W. King
SCV Camp 141 Commander Albany Georgia
In defense of the Confederate government and Confederate prison officials in regards to Andersonville, an article was published in 1876 by the Southern Historical Society, consisting of 9 points that place the blame for deaths and suffering at Andersonville totally on Northern politicians and military authorities. Specifically President Lincoln, Sec. of War Stanton, Asst. Sec. of War Dana, and Gen. Grant shoulder the blame as noted in the following 9 points.

1. It is not denied that great suffering and mortality occurred but it was due to circumstances and conditions beyond CSA control.

2. If the death rate be adduced as "circumstantial evidence of barbarity" the rate of Confederate deaths was higher in Northern POW camps where there was an abundance of food, medicine, and shelter. The Confederacy captured and held about 270,000 Union prisoners from 1861-65 and 22,576 died. The Union captured and held about 220,000 Confederate prisoners and 26,436 died.

3. The Union POW's were given the same rations as Confederate guards and soldiers and equal treatment in hospitals as required by the CSA government and the death rate of CSA guards was the same as POW's.  The Northern Federal government did not have this humane policy.

4. The exchange of prisoners was refused by the North before the issue of black Union POW's became an issue.

5. The CSA government requested that Northern doctors and medicine be sent to treat Northern POW's and the request was denied.

6. The CSA tried to buy supplies including bowls and other utensils to use in feeding the POW's. They offered to pay with cotton and gold but the offer was refused by the  Lincoln  administration.

7. The Federal Government under President Lincoln made medicine contraband causing suffering and death of Union POW's and all Southerners military and civilian.

8. Prior to the period of greatest mortality the CSA authorities offered to release the Andersonville POW's without exchange but the offer was not accepted by the Lincoln Administration who was told by CSA authorities "we cannot feed or care for them-just come get them".   Sherman  's barbaric war crimes in   Georgia   consisting of stealing, destroying, and burning made food and supplies even scarcer and increased suffering and mortality.

9. The Northern press was furnished lies and propaganda by Union Sec. and Asst Sec. of war   Stanton   and Dana claiming deliberate cruelties and war crimes by the South. The control of Northern POW camps was transferred by Stanton and Dana to vindictive partisan criminal elements and deliberate war crimes of cruelty, torture, and murder were committed against Confederate POW's as proven by a joint resolution of the U.S. Senate and House SR97.
Final proof that the human disaster at Andersonville was virtually 100% the fault of the Lincoln Administration comes from statements by Confederate Col. Ould who was in charge of arranging prisoner exchanges and Union Assistant Secretary of War in the Lincoln Administration Charles A. Dana. Col. Ould is quoted as saying “My government instructs me to waive all formalities in this matter of exchange. I need not try to conceal from you that we cannot feed and provide for the prisoners in our hands. We cannot half feed or clothe them. You have closed our ports till we cannot get medical stores for them. You will not send us quinine and other medicines, even for their exclusive use. They are suffering greatly and the mortality is excessive. I tell you all this plainly, and still you refuse to exchange. What does your government demand? Name your own conditions and I have authority to accept them. YOU ARE SILENT!  GREAT GOD, CAN IT BE THAT YOU PEOPLE ARE MONSTERS? If you will not exchange, I will give you your men for nothing. I will deliver ten thousand Union POW’s at   Wilmington  . I will deliver five thousand here. Come and get them. If your government is so damnably dishonest to want them for nothing, you shall have them. You can at least feed them and we cannot.”
Post-War in the   New York   Sun Newspaper Dana wrote “CSA authorities and especially Jefferson Davis ought not to be held responsible for Andersonville. We were responsible ourselves for the continued detention of our captives in misery, starvation and sickness in the South”.

Post-war Union General Grant admitted that he had considered the Andersonville POW’s Expendable.

Saturday, October 14, 2017

Confederates who significantly contributed to America Post-War

I am largely finished with my research on Confederate veterans who contributed to the building of postwar America. It would be impossible to research all 1,000,000 Confederate soldiers who survived the war, but I accessed all the available compendiums, biographical rosters, etc as I could identify. I would estimate that I probably checked 5,000-7,500 veterans and compiled a list of approximately 850 men who met my admittedly vague and subjective criteria. A successful farmer, teacher, or clergyman is no less important than a college president, governor, senator, or ambassador, but I had to set some limits.

Copy and pasted below is a summary letter that I recently drafted for the purpose of giving some ammunition to those who are defending our Confederate heritage and monuments. The information contained in the letter are the "highlights" of a book that I am frantically writing, with hopes that I can get it published before the anti-American History ANTIFA/Taliban have destroyed all of our monuments. Please feel free to share the letter.

I haven't yet decided exactly how I am going to organize and present the book; I want it to be more than a simple alphabetical roster of "accomplished" CSA veterans. I want to present the information in narrative form, with an extensive Appendix with rosters and groups.

Many thanks for your incredible research and information on former Confederates who made the ultimate sacrifice to their communities. If you don't mind I'll contact you again as my plans for the construction and presentation of the book takes shape.

All best,

Sam Hood


Date: Oct. 14, 2017

This is a partial list of positions held by former Confederates after the Civil War.

A Confederate veteran, Lt. Edward Douglass White of the 9th Louisiana Cavalry, became Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court after the Civil War.

Two United States Supreme Court associate justices were former Confederate soldiers; Col. Lucius Q. C. Lamar of the 19th Mississippi Infantry, and Sergeant Major Horace H. Lurton of the 3rd Kentucky Cavalry. Another associate justice, Howell E. Jackson, was a former Confederate government official.

Two former Confederates, Maj. Amos T. Akerman and Confederate Senator from Arkansas Augustus H. Garland, served as United States Attorneys General.

Former Confederate officer Col. James D. Porter was appointed United States Assistant Secretary of State in 1885.

A United States Solicitor General was Confederate cavalryman John Goode of Virginia.

Prior to becoming a Supreme Court justice, Lucius Q.C. Lamar served as United States Secretary of the Interior.

Former Confederate Col. David M. Key served as United States Postmaster General.

President Theodore Roosevelt appointed former Confederate Joseph Clay Stiles Blackburn as Governor of the Panama Canal Zone.

A former Confederate soldier, Benjamin Morgan Harrod, was the United States Representative on the Panama Canal Commission.

A former Confederate, Col. Hilary A. Herbert of the 8th Alabama Infantry, became United States Secretary of the Navy.

A Confederate veteran named Patrick Henry Morgan was appointed as a district Superintendent of the United States Coast Guard.

Confederate veterans served as United States Ambassadors, Envoys, Consuls, and Ministers to Turkey (Ottoman Empire:) Brazil; Russia; Sweden-Norway; Uruguay; Costa Rica; Guatemala; Mexico; Honduras; Havana, Cuba; Bolivia; Hong Kong; Jerusalem; France; Peru; Dominican Republic; Bermuda; Japan; China; Tampico, Mexico; Ecuador; Chile, Austria-Hungary; Naples, Italy; Panama; Martinique; Venezuela; Vancouver, Canada; Colombia; Greece; Romania; Serbia, and Spain. A former Confederate, Lt. Col. Paul Francis de Gournay, was a citizen of France and became a French Consul to the United States after the Civil War, and another Confederate, Jose Agustin Quintero of Louisiana, became Consul for Belgium and Costa Rica in New Orleans.

Numerous United States Senators and members of the United States House of Representatives were Confederate veterans, including one Senate Majority Leader, Thomas Staples Martin, who co-drafted the United States Declaration of War against Germany in 1917. A former Confederate, William A. Harris, was elected United States Senator and to the U.S. House of Representatives from the strongly pro-Union state of Kansas.

Four Confederate generals served as generals in the United States Army and served in the Spanish-American War; Thomas Rosser, Matthew Butler, Joseph Wheeler, and Fitzhugh Lee, son of Robert E. Lee. Other former Confederates were appointed Generals of Volunteers during the Spanish-American War but their units were not deployed.

Numerous former Confederates fought for the United States Army and Navy, and at least one former Confederate soldier who volunteered, Lt. Col. William Crawford Smith of Tennessee, died in combat during the Philippine Insurrection.

Dozens of Confederates served as governors of the eleven seceded Southern states after the war, but also governed the non-Confederate states/territories of Kentucky, Missouri, Oklahoma, New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, and Alaska.  

Confederate veterans were elected mayors of numerous cities and towns, including the Northern cities of Los Angeles CA, Ogden UT, and Minneapolis MN.

Former Confederate Brigadier General John Stuart Williams was co-founder of the City of Naples, Florida.

An Adjutant General of Montana was former Confederate soldier, Charles William Turner.

Former Confederate Samuel Davis Shannon served as Secretary of State of Utah.

Native-American Confederate Col. Jackson F. McCurtain became Chief of the Choctaw Nation after the war.

Former Confederates became presidents of the American Bar Association, American Medical Association, American Chemical Society, American Society of Chemical Engineers, American Association for the Advancement of Science, the American Psychiatric Association, and the American Philological Association (dedicated to the study of classical literature, linguistics, history, philosophy, and cultural studies.)

Former Confederate soldiers founded or co-founded approximately 20 colleges, universities, and post-graduate schools, including Mississippi State University, Texas Christian University, Southwestern University (Texas,) Coker College (South Carolina,) North Carolina State University, Millsaps College (Mississippi,) Averett College (Virginia,) East Carolina University, Blue Mountain College (Mississippi,) Clemson University, Agnes Scott Women’s College (Georgia,) the historically  black colleges, University of Arkansas-Pine Bluff, Prairie View A&M University, Alcorn State University,  and predominately black Meharry Medical School in Nashville. Former Confederates founded several postgraduate schools including the Tulane University Medical School, the University of Arkansas Medical School, and the University of California Hastings School of Law,
Confederate veterans were presidents of numerous universities, including the University of California-Berkeley, Tulane University, Louisiana State University, the University of Florida, North Carolina State University, the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, the University of Alabama, the University of Mississippi,  Mississippi State University, the University of Virginia, Virginia Tech, Virginia Military Institute, Bethel College (Clarksville, Tennessee,) the Citadel, the University of Maryland, Blue Mountain College (Mississippi,) Western Kentucky University, Shepherd College (West Virginia), Allegheny College (Pennsylvania,) the College of William and Mary, Washington and Lee University, Lander College (South Carolina,) Texas A&M University, the University of Arkansas, William Jewell College (Liberty, Missouri,) Jacksonville State University (Alabama,) Davidson College, and Randolph-Macon University. Former Confederates served on the governing boards of numerous colleges and universities, including the United States Military Academy (West Point,) and the United States Naval Academy.

A former Confederate Army surgeon in Gen. Benjamin F. Cheatham’s Corps, Dr. Augustus Breysacher, delivered baby Douglas McArthur on Jan. 26, 1880. MacArthur’s father was a Union Army colonel, severely wounded by Cheatham’s Corps at the Battle of Franklin, Tennessee on Nov. 30, 1864.

A former Confederate civilian surgeon in the 15th Alabama Infantry, Dr. Albert F. A. King, contracted to serve as a Union Army surgeon late in the war and treated Abraham Lincoln after he was mortally wounded by John Wilks Booth on April 14, 1865.

Over 100 former Confederate soldiers died in the line of duty while serving as law enforcement officers after the war.

Former Confederate Joseph LeConte was a co-founder of The Sierra Club.

A former Confederate engineer, Col. Samuel Lockett, designed the base of the Statue of Liberty in New York City, and another Confederate engineer, Sergeant Major Amory Coffin, designed the structural features of some of the late 19th and early 20th Century's most famous buildings, including Madison Square Garden, New York City; the Crocker Building, San Francisco; the Provident Life and Trust Company building, Philadelphia; the Prudential Life Insurance Building, New York City; City College of New York; the Wisconsin State Capital; and the steel superstructure of the New York Stock Exchange building.

Two Confederate veterans, Col. Ambrosio Jose Gonzales, and Maj. James Lide Coker were inducted into the South Carolina Business Hall of Fame in 1986. In the year 2000 ex-Confederate senator from Florida, David Levy Yulee, was named that year’s “Great Floridian” by the Florida Department of State. Another Confederate Floridian, Col. Francis Littlebury Dancy, was a postwar agronomist and named to the Florida Citrus Hall of Fame in 2013.

Former Confederates were major postwar philanthropists. Prominent among them was former Texas cavalryman George Washington Littlefield, who funded many facilities and programs at the University of Texas-Austin, and New York City native, Maj. Lewis Ginter, who founded the Lewis Ginter Botanical Garden in Richmond, Virginia, containing a Conservatory, Rose Garden, Children's Garden, Sunken Garden, Asian Garden, Victorian Garden, and Healing Garden. Ginter also donated the land for the campus of the Union Theological Seminary. Col. John Peter Smith of Ft. Worth, Texas donated land for parks, cemeteries, and hospitals, one of which still bears his name—John Peter Smith Hospital.

The most prominent of all Confederate philanthropists was Dr. Simon Baruch, a Jewish-Confederate surgeon from Charleston, South Carolina who served in the 13th Mississippi Infantry and 3rd South Carolina Infantry. After the Confederate retreat from Gettysburg, Baruch remained to treat wounded soldiers, after which he was imprisoned and exchanged. He returned to the 13th Mississippi and served for the remainder of the war. After the war Baruch practiced medicine in South Carolina, and volunteered his services for one year in the slums of New York City. Returning to South Carolina, he practiced medicine for 16 years, and in 1881 moved to New York City where he practiced medicine and became an outspoken proponent of public health and hygiene. Simon Baruch is the namesake of civil monuments, educational entities, and academic departments in New York City and throughout the country, many of which were established by his son Bernard M. Baruch, including several Simon Baruch Houses, a public housing complex in New York City, as well as buildings, halls, and academic chairs at Columbia University, Clemson University, the New York University College of Medicine, and the Medical College of Virginia/Virginia Commonwealth University. New York City Department of Education’s Middle School 104 is named Simon Baruch Middle School, along with an adjacent Simon Baruch Playground and Garden, under the auspices of the New York City Department of Parks. In 1940, the younger Baruch endowed in honor of his father, the Simon Baruch Auditorium building on the campus of the Medical University of South Carolina, and the Department of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation at Virginia Commonwealth University.

Thursday, October 12, 2017

Monumental Objection

(October 8, 2017) Last Thursday evening I spoke to the Cobb County (Georgia) Civil War Roundtable and visited the Kennesaw Mountain National Battlefield Park earlier in the day. Since my annotated and illustrated version of Confederate Private Sam Watkins’s Co. Aytch was my first Civil War book I was especially interested in visiting the battlefield’s Dead Angle. It was the Union army’s chief attack point and Sam’s was one of two defending regiments, assaulted from three sides.
For about ninety minutes on the morning of June 25, 1864 about 5,000 (mostly Illinois) Yankees attacked 1,000 Rebels at a defense line salient. Despite enduring murderous fire a minority of the attackers reached the opposing entrenchments where the fighting devolved into hand-to-hand struggles. Notwithstanding undeniable bravery, the attackers could not dislodge the defenders who were too well entrenched. Casualties totaled 825 Federals as compared to 170 Confederates.

Sam Watkins described the fighting as follows:
It seemed that the archangel of Death stood and looked on with outstretched wings, while all the earth was silent, when all at once a hundred guns from the Federal line opened upon us, and…poured their…shot, grape and shrapnel right upon [us] when, all of a sudden, our pickets jumped into our works and reported the Yankees advancing, and almost at the same time a solid line of bluecoats came up the hill.
My pen is unable to describe the scene of carnage and death that ensued…Column after column of Federal soldiers were crowded upon that line…but no sooner would a regiment mount our works than they were shot down or surrendered…
Yet still the Yankees came. It seemed impossible to check the onslaught, but every man was true to his trust…Talk about other battles…but in comparison with this day’s fight, all others dwarf into insignificance…[A] solid line of blazing fire right from the muzzles of the Yankee guns poured into our very faces, singeing our hair and clothes, the hot blood of our dead and wounded spurting on us, the blinding smoke and stifling atmosphere filling our eyes and mouths, and the awful concussion causing the blood to gush out of our noses and ears, and above all, the roar of battle, made it a perfect pandemonium.
I have heard men say that if they ever killed a Yankee during the war they were not aware of it.  I am satisfied that on this memorable day, every man in our regiment killed….All that was necessary was to load and shoot.  In fact, I will ever think that the reason they did not capture our works was the impossibility of their living men passing over the bodies of their dead.  The ground was piled up with one solid mass of dead and wounded Yankees.
Watkins went on to add, “a Yankee rushed me and said ‘You have killed my two brothers and now I’ve got you’…I heard a roar and felt a flash of fire and saw…Willam A. Hughes, grab the muzzle of the gun, receiving the whole (blast)…He died for me.
As Sam watched the litter carriers take Hughes away the dying soldier kept telling them, “Give me Florence Fleming,” his name for his rifle, which was engraved on it in silver lettering. “It was the last time I saw him,” Watkins wrote. “But I know away up yonder…in the blue vault of heaven…we will sometime meet at the marriage supper of the Son of God.”
Although twenty-first century traffic around Kennesaw is heavy, the Dead Angle is peaceful and thickly wooded.  The weathered remains of the Confederate entrenchments stand as remnants of the original earthworks much as the Appalachians are the residue of a range that was once as mighty as the Himalayas.
As I walked around the area I gradually became aware that there were no Confederate monuments. Although markers that described the action would mention both Union and Confederate participants, all the memorials were for Union soldiers. The most prominent was the Illinois monument pictured above. But there were also memorials for two slain Union generals and a third one for an unknown Federal soldier.
When I first visited the Gettysburg battlefield long ago, the spot where Joshua Chamberlain’s regiment turned back a part of the Rebel attack on Little Round Top was an obscure, seldom visited point. After Michael Shaara published The Killer Angels, however, the spot became one of the most popular sites on the park and a monument was added to memorialize Chamberlain and his troops. Even though the PBS Civil War Documentary in the early 1990's similarly popularized the Watkins memoir, there is no memorial to him and his comrades at Dead Angle.
The absence of Confederate monuments at Dead Angle reflects three factors.
First, Union veterans originally organized the site as a private park in 1898. For many years after the war Republican politicians “waved the bloody shirt” to remind Northern voters of Civil War casualties in order to gain political support among such veterans to promote hatred of Southerners, who were generally Democrats. Consequently, former Union soldiers formed the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR) as their veterans association. It successfully lobbied for generous, federally funded Union veterans pensions paid from the taxes of all Americans, including their former, impoverished, Southern enemies. Not until 1890 did the GAR gradually start relaxing its advocacy for universal censorship of Confederate displays such as Rebel battle flags and Confederate statues.
Second, Southerners were too poor to pay for memorials after the war. It was not until the decades between 1890 and 1920 that they had even modest sums available while the declining influence of “bloody shirt” politics relaxed opposition thereby enabling most of the Confederate statues remaining today to be erected.
Third, the present political climate is an amplified echo of the “bloody shirt” dogma of long ago. It demands hatred toward the memory of Rebel soldiers as well as the censorship and destruction of Confederate iconography. 
Too few of us object and even fewer of those disdaining Confederate soldier memory try to understand a different viewpoint.

Philip Leigh
3911 W. San Pedro
Tampa, Florida 33629


Monday, September 25, 2017

And So It Goes

By Valerie Protopapas

And so the final blows fall around us, in our institutions and on our streets, and we can say as God Himself once said, “It is finished.” He said it of His great work of redemption, but we can now say it of the noblest experiment of government ever attempted by man—the “united” States of America.
As in all things, we today witness only the end of a long train of evils which has led to these final blows. It actually began in 1787 when the convention called to amend the weaknesses in the Articles of Confederation was hijacked by men—including many so-called “Founding Fathers”—to accomplish what was in fact illegal under the terms of the Articles—that is, to revoke that light yoke of union and create a far more restrictive and dangerous ruling document that came to be known, paradoxically, as “the glorious Constitution.” In a way, it is almost amusing to hear so many “modern patriots” call loudly for a “return” to the Constitution when, in fact, what we have 225 years after that document’s ratification is the very result predicted by those who rejected it at the time.

But the Constitution was only the beginning of the effort to destroy a representative republic and replace it with an Empire ruled by a central authority. The destructive nature of the so-called “federal government” became more and more obvious as the union that President George Washington prayed would be “the first love and guiding duty of Americans,” became a matter of sectional self-interest, political corruption and economic despotism. Quickly (by historical standards), the former free association of (formerly) sovereign States became a contest of power and money based upon section. One section, the South, read the handwriting on the wall and tried to make use of the much vaunted Constitution to withdraw from what had become for them political impotence and economic bondage. Former United States Senator and the first—and only—President of the nation that those Southern States constitutionally created, Jefferson Davis, said many years after the bloodiest war ever fought by Americans,

“It is a satisfaction to know that the calamities which have befallen the Southern States were the result of their credulous reliance on the power of the Constitution, that if it failed to protect their rights, it would at least suffice to prevent an attempt at coercion, if, in the last resort, they peacefully withdrew from the Union.”

One cannot but wonder if we listen carefully enough, the ghost of that great Virginia patriot, Patrick Henry, can be heard calling from his tomb, “Ego me dixi vobis!” (I told you so!)

Lincoln’s war of conquest and consolidation put the final nail in the coffin of the already dying republic, replacing it with an empire eager for conquest and consolidation. Nonetheless, for all of their suffering and death, the Southern people were fortunate. Unlike the American Indian, they were permitted to continue to live in a state of quasi-freedom. Many today believe that they eventually acquired actual freedom with the end of reconstruction, but, in fact, by that time the rest of America’s liberties had been eroded away until there was little or no difference between the South after reconstruction and the rest of the nation without it. The only thing that grew stronger was the central government–and this is how it has continued. For a while, a sort of equilibrium remained because the nation retained its Christian moral heritage, most strongly in the South. But the communist/socialist philosophy of Marx’s American statist disciple, Abraham Lincoln, was not to be denied. Slowly, over the years, “progressives” like Teddy and Franklin Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson and others worked to grow the power of the central state to encompass ever wider areas within the lives of the People. Of course, this was often done with the best of intentions and, at the time, some of these efforts did achieve some desired good (such as TR’s efforts to provide Americans with healthy food and drugs). The problem, however, was that these “good intentions” were not and have never been amenable to limits! Since the concept of states’ rights had been destroyed in the mis-named “Civil War” and the states reduced to nothing more than bureaucratic entities within that central government, there simply was no way to curb Washington’s growing power.

The major stumbling block to the creation of an all powerful State was, as noted, America’s “Christian culture.” This was well known and efforts to undermine the morality of the People in order to create the “New World Order” began even before the end of the 19th Century. Educators and philosophers such as John Dewey brought their atheism and humanism into the American educational system with the understanding that America would never be free of Christian influence until it was destroyed in the young. In time, that branch of the central government most feared by Thomas Jefferson, the judiciary, moved not only to increase the power of government—and especially that of the judiciary—but to strike down Christian influences in the culture as well as in government. It was a deliberately slow process because the People were still feared if not respected—and politicians are generally more venal and self-serving than idealistic.

But it does not take a brilliant scholar to realize that if such judicial rulings by the courts as abortion on demand and “gay marriage” had been attempted before 1950, the outcry from the American People would have quickly ended such unholy and perverted policies, Supreme Court or no Supreme Court! But little by little, America’s values were worn away and little by little, Americans themselves became as corrupt, venal and wicked as their rulers. Churches in the name of “social justice” embraced policies that directly contradicted the teachings of Christ and their own doctrines. What we see today was best expressed by British poet Alexander Pope (1688-1744) who wrote,

“Vice is a monster of so frightful mien,
As to be hated needs but to be seen;
Yet seen too oft, familiar with her face,
we first endure, then pity, then embrace.”

The result of this “embrace” is that fewer and fewer Americans identify themselves today as “Christians” which is absolutely correct. Even many of those who continue to use that description believe and live in such a way as to make their claims ridiculous. Indeed, the only “religion” today that can boast of serious adherents is itself more bloody and blasphemous than the worst of humanism’s canons as the Crescent once more threatens to turn the world into one bloody 12th century caliphate. Ah, where are King Richard of the Lion’s Heart and Prince Eugen today? Instead, we have a conglomeration of pathetic capons who fear offending the wicked more than they wish to protect the good. In truth, we have the “leaders” we deserve.

But the killing blow to “the great experiment” was not delivered by a communist-Muslim mulatto homosexual foreigner whose ineligibility for his office both in talent and credentials was well known—and ignored—neither was it the result of the machinations of an atheist Jew whose vast fortune is the product of destroying nations and betraying his own people to their exterminators, nor of a Muslim prince who, four years before Barack Hussein Obama was foisted upon the nation confidently predicted that a Muslim would be in the White House—in four years. No, the killing blow came from none other than “We the People.” No longer able to resist corruption or maintain our morals because our once great Christian ethic had been replaced by the utilitarian creed of atheistic Secular Humanism, Americans have chosen what Milton once described as “…bondage with ease rather than strenuous liberty.” Of course, what Americans don’t realize is that “bondage with ease” is impossible. As fewer and fewer of the productive struggle to bear the burden of more and more of the unproductive and of the cost of the ruling class, the time must surely come—and soon—when that “bondage” will make of ante-bellum slavery a light and easy yoke.

No, we cannot blame our enemies. God knows, they made their intentions very well known throughout the years from Hamilton to Obama. Sadly, we have proven that nothing of value lasts and eventually, the greater is supplanted by the lesser. Thus, as of today, we no longer have the shoulders of giants upon which to stand but instead must watch the spectacle of our demise from the sewer of a culture we ourselves have allowed to be created.

Tuesday, September 19, 2017

UM admits Black Bear failure, launches new vote

BREAKING: Colonel Reb 2, UM Admin 0. It's Official...The Black Bear Sucks

After the 2003 defeat of University of Mississippi chancellor Robert Khayat and athletics director Pete Boone's attempt to force a new mascot "Rowdy Rebel" and/or "Rebel Bruiser," the Colonel Reb Foundation (CRF) and supporters of the Colonel have done it again!

After seven years of the forced "Rebel the Black Bear" experiment, the university is now trying to get a "student-led" vote to have the landshark replace the bear.   ASB president Dion Kevin III announced Monday a "landshark referendum," with a student vote to be held Sept. 26.

CRF student leader Wess Helton is leading the effort to include Colonel Reb on any so-called mascot vote.  A press release from the CRF outlines the response from the tradition-based student organization.

Please help Wess out!  Join the fight to include Colonel Reb and defeat the university's latest attempt to silence the nearly 90 percent of Ole Miss students that want the Colonel as their mascot.  Your financial support to Wess is very important.

And if you are a current UM student, please join Wess and the Colonel's army and let's be heard on Sept. 26.

BRAND NEW: Colonel/Mississippi Decals

Get the latest 5" tall bumper sticker from the Colonel Reb Foundation (CRF) at the Shop webpage.    The design features the CRF logo inside the state of Mississippi's outline.  Since the University of Mississippi curbed Colonel merchandise many years ago, it's been nearly impossible to find the popular decals featuring the lovable mascot...but you are now in luck!  Order your supply of the three-color, durable vinyl stickers today.

Support the CRF – an official student organization at the University of Mississippi
The CRF welcomes any and all financial support at the Donation Page.

It's Official...The Black Bear Sucks

Ole Miss Stirs Up Mascot Controversy Again.  Admits “Rebel the Black Bear” a failure. Wants to change mascot to loser of 2010 campus vote

OXFORD, Miss. – After spending millions of dollars since 2003 to convince students, alumni, and fans that the overwhelming and longstanding choice for the school mascot – Colonel Reb – is “deplorable”, leadership at the University of Mississippi finally admitted their despised 2010 choice for athletic mascot – “Rebel the Black Bear” – is a failure. After conspiring with the Chancellor and Athletic Director in private for the last several weeks it was revealed today by the ASB, the student government at Ole Miss, that it will host another campus vote to attempt to choose “Landshark” to replace the bear. In a 2010 research project of Ole Miss students, faculty, staff, alumni and season ticket holders just 62% percent supported the Rebel Black Bear and only 56% supported “Landshark”.  However, those numbers were dwarfed by people who rejected all of the choices available to them.  That 2010 vote was held after the University refused to recognize an earlier vote where 94% of students at Ole Miss voted to keep Colonel Reb as the school mascot.  Even a recent 2016 School of Journalism research project of almost 4000 students revealed that 86% of Ole Miss students want Colonel Reb as their mascot, with 72% of students proclaiming they "love" Colonel Reb.
Colonel Reb Foundation Student Chairman Wess Helton said, “Let me get this straight - the Ole Miss administration wants to change their current failed mascot to one that got even LESS support in their sham 2010 mascot election? On behalf of the thousands of student members at Ole Miss, we agree that the Black Bear is an embarrassment and a failure.  But using another closed process and a fake election to force their previously failed choice on students won’t solve anything.  The Colonel Reb Foundation calls for the ASB Senate to give us our true mascot choice in this election – Colonel Reb – or add “None of the Above” as an option for Ole Miss students.”
Since 2003 when the University Administration kicked Colonel Reb off the field but hypocritically continued to profit from his sales in bookstores, they have hired a parade of professional mascot consultants from New York and elsewhere that have consistently stated that if the Ole Miss fan base did not buy into the mascot forced upon them it would be a failure. The Black Bear mascot has to have a security detail in public due to the violent reactions of fans who have spit on, thrown things at, and even assaulted the costumed character.  Meanwhile, the student led Colonel Reb Foundation has had the support of millions of fans since 2003 appearing in the Grove, at athletic events both home and away, parades, and even weddings – all with private financial support of students, fans, and alumni.  In previous years the Colonel Reb mascot was always a student at Ole Miss and part of the Ole Miss Cheerleaders, each of whom received a partial scholarship.
Commenting on the proposed mascot change to Landshark Helton commented, “To change our mascot to a symbol that when used on the football field has resulted in an unsportsmanlike conduct penalty to our own team for taunting is almost laughable to me.  It’s not even original.  There is already a liberal arts school in Vermont that uses Landshark as their official mascot.”
Helton further stated, “In 2010 Senior Associate Athletics Director for Marketing and Communications Michael Thompson stated that the Black Bear would ‘complement the experience at all athletics events and create a lasting connection’.  That nearly yearlong process sought input from all members of the Ole Miss community complete with focus groups, town halls held across the state, and a vote of stakeholders that included students, alumni, and season ticket holders. The results showed overwhelming rejection for all of the limited choices available.  While this self-made disaster should have been avoided in 2010, I don’t understand why University officials think a 2017 Russian style election with a previously rejected choice forced by the liberal elites in the Administration and co-opted by their cronies in the ASB will solve anything.  Until University Administrators accept that the fans, students, and alumni of Ole Miss love their friendly cartoon character Colonel Reb they will continue to face the ire of the Ole Miss community.  Is this the ‘lasting connection’ that they are talking about?”
The Colonel Reb Foundation is a non-profit organization formed by students at Ole Miss in 2003 dedicated to preserving the 80 year tradition of having Colonel Reb as the mascot and logo of the University of Mississippi.
Colonel Reb Foundation, PO Box 2561, Oxford, MS 38655

Saturday, September 02, 2017

Stand for the Truth

By Dr. James Brooks

Our forebears braved the wilderness
They crossed wide rivers and settled the West,
They tamed the land, made it blossom like a rose,
But now alas some would steal our peoples’ soul,

Destroy our monuments, rewrite the past,
Rename the streets, burn books at the last,
Just as with the Nazis, such evil always grows,
If you would destroy a nation, that is how it goes,

And if our youth forget their past,
New histories will be written, each worse than the last,
For to speed the new world order, you eradicate the past,
It worked for the Nazis, it made their work go fast,

For what are a people without their heritage,
And what is a land without its past,
If we give in now, we will lose it all,
And we will have no freedom at the last,

When I was a lad, I heard my grandfather say,
You are of this land, and can see a brand new day,
If you stand for the truth and always say nay,
To those who would take your heritage away,

For a good heritage is a precious thing,
Whether you are a poor man or a king,
Don’t give in, or else you’ll lose it all,
Be like your forebears and stand up tall,

If all we do is look backward and yearn,
For the heroes of old and freedom’s return,
We are not worthy, for we have no sight,
Instead let us stand up and speak what is right,

 For what are a people without their heritage,
And what is a land without its past,
If we stand for the truth we will not lose it all,
And our children will bless us at the last.

Wednesday, August 23, 2017

New England's hidden history - More than we like to think, the North was built on slavery.

By Francie Latour 
September 26, 2010

In the year 1755, a black slave named Mark Codman plotted to kill his abusive master. A God-fearing man, Codman had resolved to use poison, reasoning that if he could kill without shedding blood, it would be no sin. Arsenic in hand, he and two female slaves poisoned the tea and porridge of John Codman repeatedly. The plan worked — but like so many stories of slave rebellion, this one ended in brutal death for the slaves as well. After a trial by jury, Mark Codman was hanged, tarred, and then suspended in a metal gibbet on the main road to town, where his body remained for more than 20 years.

It sounds like a classic account of Southern slavery. But Codman’s body didn’t hang in Savannah, Ga.; it hung in present-day Somerville, Mass. And the reason we know just how long Mark the slave was left on view is that Paul Revere passed it on his midnight ride. In a fleeting mention from Revere’s account, the horseman described galloping past “Charlestown Neck, and got nearly opposite where Mark was hung in chains.” When it comes to slavery, the story that New England has long told itself goes like this: Slavery happened in the South, and it ended thanks to the North. Maybe we had a little slavery, early on. But it wasn’t real slavery. We never had many slaves, and the ones we did have were practically family. We let them marry, we taught them to read, and soon enough, we freed them. New England is the home of abolitionists and underground railroads. In the story of slavery—and by extension, the story of race and racism in modern-day America—we’re the heroes. Aren’t we?

As the nation prepares to mark the 150th anniversary of the American Civil War in 2011, with commemorations that reinforce the North/South divide, researchers are offering uncomfortable answers to that question, unearthing more and more of the hidden stories of New England slavery—it’s brutality, its staying power, and its silent presence in the very places that have become synonymous with freedom. With the markers of slavery forgotten even as they lurk beneath our feet—from graveyards to historic homes, from Lexington and Concord to the halls of Harvard University—historians say it is time to radically rewrite America’s slavery story to include its buried history in New England.

“The story of slavery in New England is like a landscape that you learn to see,” said Anne Farrow, who co-wrote “Complicity: How the North Promoted, Prolonged, and Profited From Slavery” and who is researching a new book about slavery and memory. “Once you begin to see these great seaports and these great historic houses, everywhere you look, you can follow it back to the agricultural trade of the West Indies, to the trade of bodies in Africa, to the unpaid labor of black people.” It was the 1991 discovery of an African burial ground in New York City that first revived the study of Northern slavery. Since then, fueled by educators, preservationists, and others, momentum has been building to recognize histories hidden in plain sight. Last year, Connecticut became the first New England state to formally apologize for slavery. In classrooms across the country, popularity has soared for educational programs on New England slavery designed at Brown University. In February, Emory University will hold a major conference on the role slavery’s profits played in establishing American colleges and universities, including in New England. And in Brookline, Mass., a program called Hidden Brookline is designing a virtual walking tour to illuminate its little-known slavery history: At one time, nearly half the town’s land was held by slave owners.

“What people need to understand is that, here in the North, while there were not the large plantations of the South or the Caribbean islands, there were families who owned slaves,” said Stephen Bressler, director of Brookline’s Human Relations-Youth Resources Commission. “There were businesses actively involved in the slave trade, either directly in the importation or selling of slaves on our shores, or in the shipbuilding, insurance, manufacturing of shackles, processing of sugar into rum, and so on. Slavery was a major stimulus to the Northern economy.” Turning over the stones to find those histories isn’t just a matter of correcting the record, he and others say. It’s crucial to our understanding of the New England we live in now.

“The absolute amnesia about slavery here on the one hand, and the gradualness of slavery ending on the other, work together to make race a very distinctive thing in New England,” said Joanne Pope Melish, who teaches history at the University of Kentucky and wrote the book “Disowning Slavery: Gradual Emancipation and ‘Race’ in New England, 1780-1860.” “If you have obliterated the historical memory of actual slavery—because we’re the free states, right?—that makes it possible to turn around and look at a population that is disproportionately poor and say, it must be their own inferiority. That is where New England’s particular brand of racism comes from.” Dismantling the myths of slavery doesn’t mean ignoring New England’s role in ending it. In the 1830s and ’40s, an entire network of white Connecticut abolitionists emerged to house, feed, clothe, and aid in the legal defense of Africans from the slave ship Amistad, a legendary case that went all the way to the US Supreme Court and helped mobilize the fight against slavery. Perhaps nowhere were abolition leaders more diehard than in Massachusetts: Pacifist William Lloyd Garrison and writer Henry David Thoreau were engines of the antislavery movement. Thoreau famously refused to pay his taxes in protest of slavery, part of a philosophy of civil disobedience that would later influence Martin Luther King Jr. But Thoreau was tame compared to Garrison, a flame-thrower known for shocking audiences. Founder of the New England Anti-Slavery Society and the newspaper The Liberator, Garrison once burned a copy of the US Constitution at a July Fourth rally, calling it “a covenant with death.” His cry for total, immediate emancipation made him a target of death threats and kept the slavery question at a perpetual boil, fueling the moral argument that, in time, would come to frame the Civil War.

But to focus on crusaders like Garrison is to ignore ugly truths about how unwillingly New England as a whole turned the page on slavery. Across the region, scholars have found, slavery here died a painfully gradual death, with emancipation laws and judicial rulings that either were unclear, poorly enforced, or written with provisions that kept slaves and the children born to them in bondage for years. Meanwhile, whites who had trained slaves to do skilled work refused to hire the same blacks who were now free, driving an emerging class of skilled workers back to the lowest rungs of unskilled labor. Many whites, driven by reward money and racial hatred, continued to capture and return runaway Southern slaves; some even sent free New England blacks south, knowing no questions about identity would be asked at the other end. And as surely as there was abolition, there was “bobalition” — the mocking name given to graphic, racist broadsides printed through the 1830s, ridiculing free blacks with characters like Cezar Blubberlip and Mungo Mufflechops. Plastered around Boston, the posters had a subtext that seemed to boil down to this: Who do these people think they are? Citizens?

“Is Garrison important? Yes. Is it dangerous to be an abolitionist at that time? Absolutely,” said Melish. “What is conveniently forgotten is the number of people making a living snagging free black people in a dark alley and shipping them south.” Growing up in Lincoln, Mass., historian Elise Lemire vividly remembers learning of the horrors of a slaveocracy far, far away. “You knew, for example, that families were split up, that people were broken psychologically and kept compliant by the fear of your husband or wife being sold away, or your children being sold away,” said Lemire, author of the 2009 book “Black Walden,” who became fascinated with former slaves banished to squatter communities in Walden Woods. As she peeled back the layers, Lemire discovered a history rarely seen by the generations of tourists and schoolchildren who have learned to see Concord as a hotbed of antislavery activism. “Slaves [here] were split up in the same way,” she said. “You didn’t have any rights over your children. Slave children were given away all the time, sometimes when they were very young.”

In Lemire’s Concord, slave owners once filled half of town government seats, and in one episode town residents rose up to chase down a runaway slave. Some women remained enslaved into the 1820s, more than 30 years after census figures recorded no existing slaves in Massachusetts. According to one account, a former slave named Brister Freeman, for whom Brister’s Hill in Walden Woods is named, was locked inside a slaughterhouse shed with an enraged bull as his white tormentors laughed outside the door. And in Concord, Lemire argues, black families were not so much liberated as they were abandoned to their freedom, released by masters increasingly fearful their slaves would side with the British enemy. With freedom, she said, came immediate poverty: Blacks were forced to squat on small plots of the town’s least arable land, and eventually pushed out of Concord altogether—a precursor to the geographic segregation that continues to divide black and white in New England. “This may be the birthplace of a certain kind of liberty,” Lemire said, “but Concord was a slave town. That’s what it was.”

If Concord was a slave town, historians say, Connecticut was a slave state. It didn’t abolish slavery until 1848, a little more than a decade before the Civil War. (A judge’s ruling ended legal slavery in Massachusetts in 1783, though the date is still hotly debated by historians.) It’s a history Connecticut author and former Hartford Courant journalist Anne Farrow knew nothing about—until she got drawn into an assignment to find the untold story of one local slave. Once she started pulling the thread, Farrow said, countless histories unfurled: accounts of thousand-acre slave plantations and a livestock industry that bred the horses that turned the giant turnstiles of West Indian sugar mills. Each discovery punctured another slavery myth. “A mentor of mine has said New England really democratized slavery,” said Farrow. “Where in the South a few people owned so many slaves, here in the North, many people owned a few. There was a widespread ownership of black people.” Perhaps no New England colony or state profited more from the unpaid labor of blacks than Rhode Island: Following the Revolution, scholars estimate, slave traders in the tiny Ocean State controlled between two-thirds and 90 percent of America’s trade in enslaved Africans. On the rolling farms of Narragansett, nearly one-third of the population was black—a proportion not much different from Southern plantations. In 2003, the push to reckon with that legacy hit a turning point when Brown University, led by its first African-American president, launched a highly controversial effort to account for its ties to Rhode Island’s slave trade. Today, that ongoing effort includes the CHOICES program, an education initiative whose curriculum on New England slavery is now taught in over 2,000 classrooms.

As Brown’s decision made national headlines, Katrina Browne, a Boston filmmaker, was on a more private journey through New England slavery, tracing her bloodlines back to her Rhode Island forebears, the DeWolf family. As it turned out, the DeWolfs were the biggest slave-trading family in the nation’s biggest slave-trading state. Browne’s journey, which she chronicled in the acclaimed documentary “Traces of the Trade: A Story from the Deep North,” led her to a trove of records of the family’s business at every point in slavery’s triangle trade. Interspersed among the canceled checks and ship logs, Browne said, she caught glimpses into everyday life under slavery, like the diary entry by an overseer in Cuba that began, “I hit my first Negro today for laughing at prayers.” Today, Browne runs the Tracing Center, a nonprofit to foster education about the North’s complicity in slavery. “I recently picked up a middle school textbook at an independent school in Philadelphia, and it had sub-chapter headings for the Colonial period that said ‘New England,’ and then ‘The South and Slavery,’” said Browne, who has trained park rangers to talk about Northern complicity in tours of sites like Philadelphia’s Liberty Bell. “Since learning about my family and the whole North’s role in slavery, I now consider these things to be my problem in a way that I didn’t before.”

If New England’s amnesia has been pervasive, it has also been willful, argues C.S. Manegold, author of the new book “Ten Hills Farm: The Forgotten History of Slavery in the North.” That’s because many of slavery’s markers aren’t hidden or buried. In New England, one need look no further than a symbol that graces welcome mats, door knockers, bedposts, and all manner of household decor: the pineapple. That exotic fruit, said Manegold, is as intertwined with slavery as the Confederate flag: When New England ships came to port, captains would impale pineapples on a fence post, a sign to everyone that they were home and open for business, bearing the bounty of slave labor and sometimes slaves themselves. “It’s a symbol everyone knows the benign version of—the happy story that pineapples signify hospitality and welcome,” said Manegold, whose book centers on five generations of slaveholders tied to one Colonial era estate, the Royall House and Slave Quarters in Medford, Mass., now a museum. The house features two carved pineapples at its gateposts. By Manegold’s account, pineapples were just the beginning at this particular Massachusetts farm: Generation after generation, history at the Royall House collides with myths of freedom in New England—starting with one of the most mythical figures of all, John Winthrop. Author of the celebrated “City Upon a Hill” sermon and first governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, Winthrop not only owned slaves at Ten Hills Farm, but in 1641, he helped pass one of the first laws making chattel slavery legal in North America.

When the house passed to the Royalls, Manegold said, it entered a family line whose massive fortune came from slave plantations in Antigua. Members of the Royall family would eventually give land and money that helped establish Harvard Law School. To this day, the law school bears a seal borrowed from the Royall family crest, and for years the Royall Professorship of Law remained the school’s most prestigious faculty post, almost always occupied by the law school dean. It wasn’t until 2003 that an incoming dean—now Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan—now turned the title down. Kagan didn’t publicly explain her decision. But her actions speak to something Manegold and others say could happen more broadly: not just inserting footnotes to New England heritage tours and history books, but truly recasting that heritage in all its painful complexity.

“In Concord,” Lemire said, “the Minutemen clashed with the British at the Old North Bridge within sight of a man enslaved in the local minister’s house. The fact that there was slavery in the town that helped birth American liberty doesn’t mean we shouldn’t celebrate the sacrifices made by the Minutemen. But it does mean New England has to catch up with the rest of the country, in much of which residents have already wrestled with their dual legacies of freedom and slavery.”
Francie Latour is an associate editor at Wellesley magazine and a former Globe reporter.


This report will not be about the details of what is currently going on in Virginia. Most of what can be said about this has been said.   I have talked to the press from Canada to Great Britain. I have been interviewed by every left wing newspaper, TV network, and radio station from here to the Mississippi.  Travis Toombs, Fred Chiesa and others have done a great job of getting this word out to you, the members of the Virginia Division and even the outside world.

There is only one thing further I wish to say about Charlottesville.  On the evening of August 21st, a council meeting was held in that city.  Even with looking at the news and reading about it, it was difficult to determined the pro or con of those in attendance.  It turned into a free-for-all with the Mayor and Council retreating to a back room.  Judging by quotes and signs, it was apparent that all parties agreed on  one thing.......that all of the violence brought to Charlottesville was the fault of the Mayor and the City Council.  It was evident that this was a self inflected wound by signs telling the council that they had blood on their hands.

There have been questions as to whether or not the Virginia Division is holding a rally.  The answer is yes we are.  Hopefully it will be the largest rally we have ever held in Virginia.  The date will be November 7, 2017.  It will last all day and into the evening.  It will be held at locations all over the State.  These locations are called   Polling one will be more than a mile or two from one of these rally points.  You have no excuse not to be there.

It doesn't matter what you have or haven't done for the cause before. This is your chance to stand up and be counted.   Don't just say "somebody should do something", BE that somebody.  Speaking for the Virginia Division SCV, I am not permitted to tell you how to vote.  You must figure that out on your own.  We can tell you that the candidates from one party have already stated that the Monuments WILL COME DOWN. They can't wait to get into office to make this happen.  The other party's candidates have stated that they WILL NOT SEEK to take down the monuments or rewrite Virginia history.

This is a major turning point for our State and the Country.  If you have never voted before, vote this time. If you are not registered, get registered!  If for any reason like minded neighbors can not get to the polls, drive them there yourself.  Get every sane, rational, member of your family to vote.  This is your chance to stop asking about what is being done about the monuments and do something yourself. If we lose this election, steps will be taken the very next day to remove all our monuments. (ie: repeal the monument protection act)

These monuments, along with the graves of our sacred dead, are the last vestiges we still have of our Heritage.  It is not enough to just vote.  We must tell others to register and vote.  We need 10 even 20 thousand votes.  We can do it!  We must over come the carpet bagger votes from Northern Virginia.
Sad to say, Northern Virginia has become nothing but a puddle of ooze overflowing from the Swamp that is Washington, D.C.

It is up to you now.  You must come to this November 7th rally.  You must bring everyone you can.  With victory on November 8th, we can all sing  "Carry me back to Old Virginia."

We have a chance to save the Virginia that our ancestors fought and died for.  We must not fail them.
Sic  Semper Tyrannis
God Save the Commonwealth
Virginia...The Old Dominion...where Liberty and Independence were born!

B Frank Earnest
Heritage Defense Coordinator
Virginia Division Sons of Confederate Veterans
Please LIKE my
Freedom Watch
Facebook page
share it with friends

Please LIKE my
Southern Heritage News
& Views Facebook page
share it with friends.